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the interesting narrative of the life of olaudah equiano, or gustavus vassa, the african writtenby himself. behold, god is my salvation; i will trustand not be afraid, for the lord jehovah is my strengthand my song; he also is become my salvation. and in that shall ye say, praise the lord,call upon his name, declare his doings among the people. isaiah xii. 2, 4. london: printed for and sold by the author,no. 10, union-street, middlesex hospital.

to the lords spiritual and temporal, andthe commons of the parliament of great britain. my lords and gentlemen, permit me, with the greatest deference andrespect, to lay at your feet the following genuine narrative; the chief design of whichis to excite in your august assemblies a sense of compassion for the miseries which the slave-tradehas entailed on my unfortunate countrymen. by the horrors of that trade was i first tornaway from all the tender connexions that were naturally dear to my heart; but these, throughthe mysterious ways of providence, i ought to regard as infinitely more than compensatedby the introduction i have thence obtained

to the knowledge of the christian religion,and of a nation which, by its liberal sentiments, its humanity, the glorious freedom of itsgovernment, and its proficiency in arts and sciences, has exalted the dignity of humannature. i am sensible i ought to entreat your pardonfor addressing to you a work so wholly devoid of literary merit; but, as the productionof an unlettered african, who is actuated by the hope of becoming an instrument towardsthe relief of his suffering countrymen, i trust that such a man, pleading in such acause, will be acquitted of boldness and presumption. may the god of heaven inspire your heartswith peculiar benevolence on that important day when the question of abolition is to bediscussed, when thousands, in consequence

of your determination, are to look for happinessor misery! i am, my lords and gentlemen,your most obedient, and devoted humble servant, olaudah equiano, or gustavus vassa. union-street, mary-le-bone, march 24, 1789. chapter i. the author's account of his country, and their manners and customs—administration of justice—embrenche—marriageceremony, and public entertainments—mode of living—dress—manufactures buildings—commerce—agriculture—warand religion—superstition of the natives—funeral ceremonies of the priests or magicians—curiousmode of discovering poison—some hints concerning

the origin of the author's countrymen, withthe opinions of different writers on that subject. i believe it is difficult for those who publishtheir own memoirs to escape the imputation of vanity; nor is this the only disadvantageunder which they labour: it is also their misfortune, that what is uncommon is rarely,if ever, believed, and what is obvious we are apt to turn from with disgust, and tocharge the writer with impertinence. people generally think those memoirs onlyworthy to be read or remembered which abound in great or striking events, those, in short,which in a high degree excite either admiration or pity: all others they consign to contemptand oblivion.

it is therefore, i confess, not a little hazardousin a private and obscure individual, and a stranger too, thus to solicit the indulgentattention of the public; especially when i own i offer here the history of neither asaint, a hero, nor a tyrant. i believe there are few events in my life,which have not happened to many: it is true the incidents of it are numerous; and, didi consider myself an european, i might say my sufferings were great: but when i comparemy lot with that of most of my countrymen, i regard myself as a particular favouriteof heaven, and acknowledge the mercies of providence in every occurrence of my life. if then the following narrative does not appearsufficiently interesting to engage general

attention, let my motive be some excuse forits publication. i am not so foolishly vain as to expect fromit either immortality or literary reputation. if it affords any satisfaction to my numerousfriends, at whose request it has been written, or in the smallest degree promotes the interestsof humanity, the ends for which it was undertaken will be fully attained, and every wish ofmy heart gratified. let it therefore be remembered, that, in wishingto avoid censure, i do not aspire to praise. that part of africa, known by the name ofguinea, to which the trade for slaves is carried on, extends along the coast above 3400 miles,from the senegal to angola, and includes a variety of kingdoms.

of these the most considerable is the kingdomof benen, both as to extent and wealth, the richness and cultivation of the soil, thepower of its king, and the number and warlike disposition of the inhabitants. it is situated nearly under the line, andextends along the coast about 170 miles, but runs back into the interior part of africato a distance hitherto i believe unexplored by any traveller; and seems only terminatedat length by the empire of abyssinia, near 1500 miles from its beginning. this kingdom is divided into many provincesor districts: in one of the most remote and fertile of which, called eboe, i was born,in the year 1745, in a charming fruitful vale,

named essaka. the distance of this province from the capitalof benin and the sea coast must be very considerable; for i had never heard of white men or europeans,nor of the sea: and our subjection to the king of benin was little more than nominal;for every transaction of the government, as far as my slender observation extended, wasconducted by the chiefs or elders of the place. the manners and government of a people whohave little commerce with other countries are generally very simple; and the historyof what passes in one family or village may serve as a specimen of a nation. my father was one of those elders or chiefsi have spoken of, and was styled embrenche;

a term, as i remember, importing the highestdistinction, and signifying in our language a mark of grandeur. this mark is conferred on the person entitledto it, by cutting the skin across at the top of the forehead, and drawing it down to theeye-brows; and while it is in this situation applying a warm hand, and rubbing it untilit shrinks up into a thick weal across the lower part of the forehead. most of the judges and senators were thusmarked; my father had long born it: i had seen it conferred on one of my brothers, andi was also destined to receive it by my parents. those embrence, or chief men, decided disputesand punished crimes; for which purpose they

always assembled together. the proceedings were generally short; andin most cases the law of retaliation prevailed. i remember a man was brought before my father,and the other judges, for kidnapping a boy; and, although he was the son of a chief orsenator, he was condemned to make recompense by a man or woman slave. adultery, however, was sometimes punishedwith slavery or death; a punishment which i believe is inflicted on it throughout mostof the nations of africa[a]: so sacred among them is the honour of the marriage bed, andso jealous are they of the fidelity of their wives.

of this i recollect an instance:—a womanwas convicted before the judges of adultery, and delivered over, as the custom was, toher husband to be punished. accordingly he determined to put her to death:but it being found, just before her execution, that she had an infant at her breast; andno woman being prevailed on to perform the part of a nurse, she was spared on accountof the child. the men, however, do not preserve the sameconstancy to their wives, which they expect from them; for they indulge in a plurality,though seldom in more than two. their mode of marriage is thus:—both partiesare usually betrothed when young by their parents, (though i have known the males tobetroth themselves).

on this occasion a feast is prepared, andthe bride and bridegroom stand up in the midst of all their friends, who are assembled forthe purpose, while he declares she is thenceforth to be looked upon as his wife, and that noother person is to pay any addresses to her. this is also immediately proclaimed in thevicinity, on which the bride retires from the assembly. some time after she is brought home to herhusband, and then another feast is made, to which the relations of both parties are invited:her parents then deliver her to the bridegroom, accompanied with a number of blessings, andat the same time they tie round her waist a cotton string of the thickness of a goose-quill,which none but married women are permitted

to wear: she is now considered as completelyhis wife; and at this time the dowry is given to the new married pair, which generally consistsof portions of land, slaves, and cattle, household goods, and implements of husbandry. these are offered by the friends of both parties;besides which the parents of the bridegroom present gifts to those of the bride, whoseproperty she is looked upon before marriage; but after it she is esteemed the sole propertyof her husband. the ceremony being now ended the festivalbegins, which is celebrated with bonefires, and loud acclamations of joy, accompaniedwith music and dancing. we are almost a nation of dancers, musicians,and poets.

thus every great event, such as a triumphantreturn from battle, or other cause of public rejoicing is celebrated in public dances,which are accompanied with songs and music suited to the occasion. the assembly is separated into four divisions,which dance either apart or in succession, and each with a character peculiar to itself. the first division contains the married men,who in their dances frequently exhibit feats of arms, and the representation of a battle. to these succeed the married women, who dancein the second division. the young men occupy the third; and the maidensthe fourth.

each represents some interesting scene ofreal life, such as a great achievement, domestic employment, a pathetic story, or some ruralsport; and as the subject is generally founded on some recent event, it is therefore evernew. this gives our dances a spirit and varietywhich i have scarcely seen elsewhere[b]. we have many musical instruments, particularlydrums of different kinds, a piece of music which resembles a guitar, and another muchlike a stickado. these last are chiefly used by betrothed virgins,who play on them on all grand festivals. as our manners are simple, our luxuries arefew. the dress of both sexes is nearly the same.

it generally consists of a long piece of callico,or muslin, wrapped loosely round the body, somewhat in the form of a highland plaid. this is usually dyed blue, which is our favouritecolour. it is extracted from a berry, and is brighterand richer than any i have seen in europe. besides this, our women of distinction weargolden ornaments; which they dispose with some profusion on their arms and legs. when our women are not employed with the menin tillage, their usual occupation is spinning and weaving cotton, which they afterwardsdye, and make it into garments. they also manufacture earthen vessels, ofwhich we have many kinds.

among the rest tobacco pipes, made after thesame fashion, and used in the same manner, as those in turkey[c]. our manner of living is entirely plain; foras yet the natives are unacquainted with those refinements in cookery which debauch the taste:bullocks, goats, and poultry, supply the greatest part of their food. these constitute likewise the principal wealthof the country, and the chief articles of its commerce. the flesh is usually stewed in a pan; to makeit savoury we sometimes use also pepper, and other spices, and we have salt made of woodashes.

our vegetables are mostly plantains, eadas,yams, beans, and indian corn. the head of the family usually eats alone;his wives and slaves have also their separate tables. before we taste food we always wash our hands:indeed our cleanliness on all occasions is extreme; but on this it is an indispensableceremony. after washing, libation is made, by pouringout a small portion of the food, in a certain place, for the spirits of departed relations,which the natives suppose to preside over their conduct, and guard them from evil. they are totally unacquainted with strongor spirituous liquours; and their principal

beverage is palm wine. this is gotten from a tree of that name bytapping it at the top, and fastening a large gourd to it; and sometimes one tree will yieldthree or four gallons in a night. when just drawn it is of a most delicioussweetness; but in a few days it acquires a tartish and more spirituous flavour: thoughi never saw any one intoxicated by it. the same tree also produces nuts and oil. our principal luxury is in perfumes; one sortof these is an odoriferous wood of delicious fragrance: the other a kind of earth; a smallportion of which thrown into the fire diffuses a most powerful odour[d].

we beat this wood into powder, and mix it with palm oil; with which both men and women perfumethemselves. in our buildings we study convenience ratherthan ornament. each master of a family has a large squarepiece of ground, surrounded with a moat or fence, or enclosed with a wall made of redearth tempered; which, when dry, is as hard as brick. within this are his houses to accommodatehis family and slaves; which, if numerous, frequently present the appearance of a village. in the middle stands the principal building,appropriated to the sole use of the master,

and consisting of two apartments; in one ofwhich he sits in the day with his family, the other is left apart for the receptionof his friends. he has besides these a distinct apartmentin which he sleeps, together with his male children. on each side are the apartments of his wives,who have also their separate day and night houses. the habitations of the slaves and their familiesare distributed throughout the rest of the enclosure. these houses never exceed one story in height:they are always built of wood, or stakes driven

into the ground, crossed with wattles, andneatly plastered within, and without. the roof is thatched with reeds. our day-houses are left open at the sides;but those in which we sleep are always covered, and plastered in the inside, with a compositionmixed with cow-dung, to keep off the different insects, which annoy us during the night. the walls and floors also of these are generallycovered with mats. our beds consist of a platform, raised threeor four feet from the ground, on which are laid skins, and different parts of a spungytree called plaintain. our covering is calico or muslin, the sameas our dress.

the usual seats are a few logs of wood; butwe have benches, which are generally perfumed, to accommodate strangers: these compose thegreater part of our household furniture. houses so constructed and furnished requirebut little skill to erect them. every man is a sufficient architect for thepurpose. the whole neighbourhood afford their unanimousassistance in building them and in return receive, and expect no other recompense thana feast. as we live in a country where nature is prodigalof her favours, our wants are few and easily supplied; of course we have few manufactures. they consist for the most part of calicoes,earthern ware, ornaments, and instruments

of war and husbandry. but these make no part of our commerce, theprincipal articles of which, as i have observed, are provisions. in such a state money is of little use; howeverwe have some small pieces of coin, if i may call them such. they are made something like an anchor; buti do not remember either their value or denomination. we have also markets, at which i have beenfrequently with my mother. these are sometimes visited by stout mahogany-colouredmen from the south west of us: we call them oye-eboe, which term signifies red men livingat a distance.

they generally bring us fire-arms, gunpowder,hats, beads, and dried fish. the last we esteemed a great rarity, as ourwaters were only brooks and springs. these articles they barter with us for odoriferouswoods and earth, and our salt of wood ashes. they always carry slaves through our land;but the strictest account is exacted of their manner of procuring them before they are sufferedto pass. sometimes indeed we sold slaves to them, butthey were only prisoners of war, or such among us as had been convicted of kidnapping, oradultery, and some other crimes, which we esteemed heinous. this practice of kidnapping induces me tothink, that, notwithstanding all our strictness,

their principal business among us was to trepanour people. i remember too they carried great sacks alongwith them, which not long after i had an opportunity of fatally seeing applied to that infamouspurpose. our land is uncommonly rich and fruitful,and produces all kinds of vegetables in great abundance. we have plenty of indian corn, and vast quantitiesof cotton and tobacco. our pine apples grow without culture; theyare about the size of the largest sugar-loaf, and finely flavoured. we have also spices of different kinds, particularlypepper; and a variety of delicious fruits

which i have never seen in europe; togetherwith gums of various kinds, and honey in abundance. all our industry is exerted to improve thoseblessings of nature. agriculture is our chief employment; and everyone, even the children and women, are engaged in it. thus we are all habituated to labour fromour earliest years. every one contributes something to the commonstock; and as we are unacquainted with idleness, we have no beggars. the benefits of such a mode of living areobvious. the west india planters prefer the slavesof benin or eboe to those of any other part

of guinea, for their hardiness, intelligence,integrity, and zeal. those benefits are felt by us in the generalhealthiness of the people, and in their vigour and activity; i might have added too in theircomeliness. deformity is indeed unknown amongst us, imean that of shape. numbers of the natives of eboe now in londonmight be brought in support of this assertion: for, in regard to complexion, ideas of beautyare wholly relative. i remember while in africa to have seen threenegro children, who were tawny, and another quite white, who were universally regardedby myself, and the natives in general, as far as related to their complexions, as deformed.

our women too were in my eyes at least uncommonlygraceful, alert, and modest to a degree of bashfulness; nor do i remember to have everheard of an instance of incontinence amongst them before marriage. they are also remarkably cheerful. indeed cheerfulness and affability are twoof the leading characteristics of our nation. our tillage is exercised in a large plainor common, some hours walk from our dwellings, and all the neighbours resort thither in abody. they use no beasts of husbandry; and theironly instruments are hoes, axes, shovels, and beaks, or pointed iron to dig with.

sometimes we are visited by locusts, whichcome in large clouds, so as to darken the air, and destroy our harvest. this however happens rarely, but when it does,a famine is produced by it. i remember an instance or two wherein thishappened. this common is often the theatre of war; andtherefore when our people go out to till their land, they not only go in a body, but generallytake their arms with them for fear of a surprise; and when they apprehend an invasion they guardthe avenues to their dwellings, by driving sticks into the ground, which are so sharpat one end as to pierce the foot, and are generally dipt in poison.

from what i can recollect of these battles,they appear to have been irruptions of one little state or district on the other, toobtain prisoners or booty. perhaps they were incited to this by thosetraders who brought the european goods i mentioned amongst us. such a mode of obtaining slaves in africais common; and i believe more are procured this way, and by kidnapping, than any other[e]. when a trader wants slaves, he applies toa chief for them, and tempts him with his wares. it is not extraordinary, if on this occasionhe yields to the temptation with as little

firmness, and accepts the price of his fellowcreatures liberty with as little reluctance as the enlightened merchant. accordingly he falls on his neighbours, anda desperate battle ensues. if he prevails and takes prisoners, he gratifieshis avarice by selling them; but, if his party be vanquished, and he falls into the handsof the enemy, he is put to death: for, as he has been known to foment their quarrels,it is thought dangerous to let him survive, and no ransom can save him, though all otherprisoners may be redeemed. we have fire-arms, bows and arrows, broadtwo-edged swords and javelins: we have shields also which cover a man from head to foot.

all are taught the use of these weapons; evenour women are warriors, and march boldly out to fight along with the men. our whole district is a kind of militia: ona certain signal given, such as the firing of a gun at night, they all rise in arms andrush upon their enemy. it is perhaps something remarkable, that whenour people march to the field a red flag or banner is borne before them. i was once a witness to a battle in our common. we had been all at work in it one day as usual,when our people were suddenly attacked. i climbed a tree at some distance, from whichi beheld the fight.

there were many women as well as men on bothsides; among others my mother was there, and armed with a broad sword. after fighting for a considerable time withgreat fury, and after many had been killed our people obtained the victory, and tooktheir enemy's chief prisoner. he was carried off in great triumph, and,though he offered a large ransom for his life, he was put to death. a virgin of note among our enemies had beenslain in the battle, and her arm was exposed in our market-place, where our trophies werealways exhibited. the spoils were divided according to the meritof the warriors.

those prisoners which were not sold or redeemedwe kept as slaves: but how different was their condition from that of the slaves in the westindies! with us they do no more work than other membersof the community, even their masters; their food, clothing and lodging were nearly thesame as theirs, (except that they were not permitted to eat with those who were free-born);and there was scarce any other difference between them, than a superior degree of importancewhich the head of a family possesses in our state, and that authority which, as such,he exercises over every part of his household. some of these slaves have even slaves underthem as their own property, and for their own use.

as to religion, the natives believe that thereis one creator of all things, and that he lives in the sun, and is girted round witha belt that he may never eat or drink; but, according to some, he smokes a pipe, whichis our own favourite luxury. they believe he governs events, especiallyour deaths or captivity; but, as for the doctrine of eternity, i do not remember to have everheard of it: some however believe in the transmigration of souls in a certain degree. those spirits, which are not transmigrated,such as our dear friends or relations, they believe always attend them, and guard themfrom the bad spirits or their foes. for this reason they always before eating,as i have observed, put some small portion

of the meat, and pour some of their drink,on the ground for them; and they often make oblations of the blood of beasts or fowlsat their graves. i was very fond of my mother, and almost constantlywith her. when she went to make these oblations at hermother's tomb, which was a kind of small solitary thatched house, i sometimes attended her. there she made her libations, and spent mostof the night in cries and lamentations. i have been often extremely terrified on theseoccasions. the loneliness of the place, the darknessof the night, and the ceremony of libation, naturally awful and gloomy, were heightenedby my mother's lamentations; and these, concuring

with the cries of doleful birds, by whichthese places were frequented, gave an inexpressible terror to the scene. we compute the year from the day on whichthe sun crosses the line, and on its setting that evening there is a general shout throughoutthe land; at least i can speak from my own knowledge throughout our vicinity. the people at the same time make a great noisewith rattles, not unlike the basket rattles used by children here, though much larger,and hold up their hands to heaven for a blessing. it is then the greatest offerings are made;and those children whom our wise men foretel will be fortunate are then presented to differentpeople.

i remember many used to come to see me, andi was carried about to others for that purpose. they have many offerings, particularly atfull moons; generally two at harvest before the fruits are taken out of the ground: andwhen any young animals are killed, sometimes they offer up part of them as a sacrifice. these offerings, when made by one of the headsof a family, serve for the whole. i remember we often had them at my father'sand my uncle's, and their families have been present. some of our offerings are eaten with bitterherbs. we had a saying among us to any one of a crosstemper, 'that if they were to be eaten, they

should be eaten with bitter herbs.' we practised circumcision like the jews, andmade offerings and feasts on that occasion in the same manner as they did. like them also, our children were named fromsome event, some circumstance, or fancied foreboding at the time of their birth. i was named olaudah, which, in our language,signifies vicissitude or fortune also, one favoured, and having a loud voice and wellspoken. i remember we never polluted the name of theobject of our adoration; on the contrary, it was always mentioned with the greatestreverence; and we were totally unacquainted

with swearing, and all those terms of abuseand reproach which find their way so readily and copiously into the languages of more civilizedpeople. the only expressions of that kind i rememberwere 'may you rot, or may you swell, or may a beast take you.' i have before remarked that the natives ofthis part of africa are extremely cleanly. this necessary habit of decency was with usa part of religion, and therefore we had many purifications and washings; indeed almostas many, and used on the same occasions, if my recollection does not fail me, as the jews. those that touched the dead at any time wereobliged to wash and purify themselves before

they could enter a dwelling-house. every woman too, at certain times, was forbiddento come into a dwelling-house, or touch any person, or any thing we ate. i was so fond of my mother i could not keepfrom her, or avoid touching her at some of those periods, in consequence of which i wasobliged to be kept out with her, in a little house made for that purpose, till offeringwas made, and then we were purified. though we had no places of public worship,we had priests and magicians, or wise men. i do not remember whether they had differentoffices, or whether they were united in the same persons, but they were held in greatreverence by the people.

they calculated our time, and foretold events,as their name imported, for we called them ah-affoe-way-cah, which signifies calculatorsor yearly men, our year being called ah-affoe. they wore their beards, and when they diedthey were succeeded by their sons. most of their implements and things of valuewere interred along with them. pipes and tobacco were also put into the gravewith the corpse, which was always perfumed and ornamented, and animals were offered insacrifice to them. none accompanied their funerals but thoseof the same profession or tribe. these buried them after sunset, and alwaysreturned from the grave by a different way from that which they went.

these magicians were also our doctors or physicians. they practised bleeding by cupping; and werevery successful in healing wounds and expelling poisons. they had likewise some extraordinary methodof discovering jealousy, theft, and poisoning; the success of which no doubt they derivedfrom their unbounded influence over the credulity and superstition of the people. i do not remember what those methods were,except that as to poisoning: i recollect an instance or two, which i hope it will notbe deemed impertinent here to insert, as it may serve as a kind of specimen of the rest,and is still used by the negroes in the west

indies. a virgin had been poisoned, but it was notknown by whom: the doctors ordered the corpse to be taken up by some persons, and carriedto the grave. as soon as the bearers had raised it on theirshoulders, they seemed seized with some[f] sudden impulse, and ran to and fro unableto stop themselves. at last, after having passed through a numberof thorns and prickly bushes unhurt, the corpse fell from them close to a house, and defacedit in the fall; and, the owner being taken up, he immediately confessed the poisoning[g].

the natives are extremely cautious about poison. when they buy any eatable the seller kissesit all round before the buyer, to shew him it is not poisoned; and the same is done whenany meat or drink is presented, particularly to a stranger. we have serpents of different kinds, someof which are esteemed ominous when they appear in our houses, and these we never molest. i remember two of those ominous snakes, eachof which was as thick as the calf of a man's leg, and in colour resembling a dolphin inthe water, crept at different times into my mother's night-house, where i always lay withher, and coiled themselves into folds, and

each time they crowed like a cock. i was desired by some of our wise men to touchthese, that i might be interested in the good omens, which i did, for they were quite harmless,and would tamely suffer themselves to be handled; and then they were put into a large open earthenpan, and set on one side of the highway. some of our snakes, however, were poisonous:one of them crossed the road one day when i was standing on it, and passed between myfeet without offering to touch me, to the great surprise of many who saw it; and theseincidents were accounted by the wise men, and therefore by my mother and the rest ofthe people, as remarkable omens in my favour. such is the imperfect sketch my memory hasfurnished me with of the manners and customs

of a people among whom i first drew my breath. and here i cannot forbear suggesting whathas long struck me very forcibly, namely, the strong analogy which even by this sketch,imperfect as it is, appears to prevail in the manners and customs of my countrymen andthose of the jews, before they reached the land of promise, and particularly the patriarchswhile they were yet in that pastoral state which is described in genesis—an analogy,which alone would induce me to think that the one people had sprung from the other. indeed this is the opinion of dr. gill, who,in his commentary on genesis, very ably deduces the pedigree of the africans from afer andafra, the descendants of abraham by keturah

his wife and concubine (for both these titlesare applied to her). it is also conformable to the sentiments ofdr. john clarke, formerly dean of sarum, in his truth of the christian religion: boththese authors concur in ascribing to us this original. the reasonings of these gentlemen are stillfurther confirmed by the scripture chronology; and if any further corroboration were required,this resemblance in so many respects is a strong evidence in support of the opinion. like the israelites in their primitive state,our government was conducted by our chiefs or judges, our wise men and elders; and thehead of a family with us enjoyed a similar

authority over his household with that whichis ascribed to abraham and the other patriarchs. the law of retaliation obtained almost universallywith us as with them: and even their religion appeared to have shed upon us a ray of itsglory, though broken and spent in its passage, or eclipsed by the cloud with which time,tradition, and ignorance might have enveloped it; for we had our circumcision (a rule ibelieve peculiar to that people:) we had also our sacrifices and burnt-offerings, our washingsand purifications, on the same occasions as they had. as to the difference of colour between theeboan africans and the modern jews, i shall not presume to account for it.

it is a subject which has engaged the pensof men of both genius and learning, and is far above my strength. the most able and reverend mr. t. clarkson,however, in his much admired essay on the slavery and commerce of the human species,has ascertained the cause, in a manner that at once solves every objection on that account,and, on my mind at least, has produced the fullest conviction. i shall therefore refer to that performancefor the theory[h], contenting myself with extracting a fact as related by dr. mitchel[i]. "the spaniards, who have inhabited america,under the torrid zone, for any time, are become

as dark coloured as our native indians ofvirginia; of which i myself have been a witness." there is also another instance[j] of a portuguesesettlement at mitomba, a river in sierra leona; where the inhabitants are bred from a mixtureof the first portuguese discoverers with the natives, and are now become in their complexion,and in the woolly quality of their hair, perfect negroes, retaining however a smattering ofthe portuguese language. these instances, and a great many more whichmight be adduced, while they shew how the complexions of the same persons vary in differentclimates, it is hoped may tend also to remove the prejudice that some conceive against thenatives of africa on account of their colour. surely the minds of the spaniards did notchange with their complexions!

are there not causes enough to which the apparentinferiority of an african may be ascribed, without limiting the goodness of god, andsupposing he forbore to stamp understanding on certainly his own image, because "carvedin ebony." might it not naturally be ascribed to theirsituation? when they come among europeans, they are ignorantof their language, religion, manners, and customs. are any pains taken to teach them these? are they treated as men? does not slavery itself depress the mind,and extinguish all its fire and every noble

sentiment? but, above all, what advantages do not a refinedpeople possess over those who are rude and uncultivated. let the polished and haughty european recollectthat his ancestors were once, like the africans, uncivilized, and even barbarous. did nature make them inferior to their sons?and should they too have been made slaves? every rational mind answers, no. let such reflections as these melt the prideof their superiority into sympathy for the wants and miseries of their sable brethren,and compel them to acknowledge, that understanding

is not confined to feature or colour. if, when they look round the world, they feelexultation, let it be tempered with benevolence to others, and gratitude to god, "who hathmade of one blood all nations of men for to dwell on all the face of the earth[k]; andwhose wisdom is not our wisdom, neither are our ways his ways." chap. ii. the author's birth and parentage—his beingkidnapped with his sister—their separation—surprise at meeting again—are finally separated—accountof the different places and incidents the

author met with till his arrival on the coast—theeffect the sight of a slave ship had on him—he sails for the west indies—horrors of a slaveship—arrives at barbadoes, where the cargo is sold and dispersed. i hope the reader will not think i have trespassedon his patience in introducing myself to him with some account of the manners and customsof my country. they had been implanted in me with great care,and made an impression on my mind, which time could not erase, and which all the adversityand variety of fortune i have since experienced served only to rivet and record; for, whetherthe love of one's country be real or imaginary, or a lesson of reason, or an instinct of nature,i still look back with pleasure on the first

scenes of my life, though that pleasure hasbeen for the most part mingled with sorrow. i have already acquainted the reader withthe time and place of my birth. my father, besides many slaves, had a numerousfamily, of which seven lived to grow up, including myself and a sister, who was the only daughter. as i was the youngest of the sons, i became,of course, the greatest favourite with my mother, and was always with her; and she usedto take particular pains to form my mind. i was trained up from my earliest years inthe art of war; my daily exercise was shooting and throwing javelins; and my mother adornedme with emblems, after the manner of our greatest warriors.

in this way i grew up till i was turned theage of eleven, when an end was put to my happiness in the following manner:—generally whenthe grown people in the neighbourhood were gone far in the fields to labour, the childrenassembled together in some of the neighbours' premises to play; and commonly some of usused to get up a tree to look out for any assailant, or kidnapper, that might come uponus; for they sometimes took those opportunities of our parents' absence to attack and carryoff as many as they could seize. one day, as i was watching at the top of atree in our yard, i saw one of those people come into the yard of our next neighbour butone, to kidnap, there being many stout young people in it.

immediately on this i gave the alarm of therogue, and he was surrounded by the stoutest of them, who entangled him with cords, sothat he could not escape till some of the grown people came and secured him. but alas! ere long it was my fate to be thusattacked, and to be carried off, when none of the grown people were nigh. one day, when all our people were gone outto their works as usual, and only i and my dear sister were left to mind the house, twomen and a woman got over our walls, and in a moment seized us both, and, without givingus time to cry out, or make resistance, they stopped our mouths, and ran off with us intothe nearest wood.

here they tied our hands, and continued tocarry us as far as they could, till night came on, when we reached a small house, wherethe robbers halted for refreshment, and spent the night. we were then unbound, but were unable to takeany food; and, being quite overpowered by fatigue and grief, our only relief was somesleep, which allayed our misfortune for a short time. the next morning we left the house, and continuedtravelling all the day. for a long time we had kept the woods, butat last we came into a road which i believed i knew.

i had now some hopes of being delivered; forwe had advanced but a little way before i discovered some people at a distance, on whichi began to cry out for their assistance: but my cries had no other effect than to makethem tie me faster and stop my mouth, and then they put me into a large sack. they also stopped my sister's mouth, and tiedher hands; and in this manner we proceeded till we were out of the sight of these people. when we went to rest the following night theyoffered us some victuals; but we refused it; and the only comfort we had was in being inone another's arms all that night, and bathing each other with our tears.

but alas! we were soon deprived of even thesmall comfort of weeping together. the next day proved a day of greater sorrowthan i had yet experienced; for my sister and i were then separated, while we lay claspedin each other's arms. it was in vain that we besought them not topart us; she was torn from me, and immediately carried away, while i was left in a stateof distraction not to be described. i cried and grieved continually; and for severaldays i did not eat any thing but what they forced into my mouth. at length, after many days travelling, duringwhich i had often changed masters, i got into the hands of a chieftain, in a very pleasantcountry.

this man had two wives and some children,and they all used me extremely well, and did all they could to comfort me; particularlythe first wife, who was something like my mother. although i was a great many days journey frommy father's house, yet these people spoke exactly the same language with us. this first master of mine, as i may call him,was a smith, and my principal employment was working his bellows, which were the same kindas i had seen in my vicinity. they were in some respects not unlike thestoves here in gentlemen's kitchens; and were covered over with leather; and in the middleof that leather a stick was fixed, and a person

stood up, and worked it, in the same manneras is done to pump water out of a cask with a hand pump. i believe it was gold he worked, for it wasof a lovely bright yellow colour, and was worn by the women on their wrists and ancles. i was there i suppose about a month, and theyat last used to trust me some little distance from the house. this liberty i used in embracing every opportunityto inquire the way to my own home: and i also sometimes, for the same purpose, went withthe maidens, in the cool of the evenings, to bring pitchers of water from the springsfor the use of the house.

i had also remarked where the sun rose inthe morning, and set in the evening, as i had travelled along; and i had observed thatmy father's house was towards the rising of the sun. i therefore determined to seize the firstopportunity of making my escape, and to shape my course for that quarter; for i was quiteoppressed and weighed down by grief after my mother and friends; and my love of liberty,ever great, was strengthened by the mortifying circumstance of not daring to eat with thefree-born children, although i was mostly their companion. while i was projecting my escape, one dayan unlucky event happened, which quite disconcerted

my plan, and put an end to my hopes. i used to be sometimes employed in assistingan elderly woman slave to cook and take care of the poultry; and one morning, while i wasfeeding some chickens, i happened to toss a small pebble at one of them, which hit iton the middle and directly killed it. the old slave, having soon after missed thechicken, inquired after it; and on my relating the accident (for i told her the truth, becausemy mother would never suffer me to tell a lie) she flew into a violent passion, threatenedthat i should suffer for it; and, my master being out, she immediately went and told hermistress what i had done. this alarmed me very much, and i expectedan instant flogging, which to me was uncommonly

dreadful; for i had seldom been beaten athome. i therefore resolved to fly; and accordinglyi ran into a thicket that was hard by, and hid myself in the bushes. soon afterwards my mistress and the slavereturned, and, not seeing me, they searched all the house, but not finding me, and i notmaking answer when they called to me, they thought i had run away, and the whole neighbourhoodwas raised in the pursuit of me. in that part of the country (as in ours) thehouses and villages were skirted with woods, or shrubberies, and the bushes were so thickthat a man could readily conceal himself in them, so as to elude the strictest search.

the neighbours continued the whole day lookingfor me, and several times many of them came within a few yards of the place where i layhid. i then gave myself up for lost entirely, andexpected every moment, when i heard a rustling among the trees, to be found out, and punishedby my master: but they never discovered me, though they were often so near that i evenheard their conjectures as they were looking about for me; and i now learned from them,that any attempt to return home would be hopeless. most of them supposed i had fled towards home;but the distance was so great, and the way so intricate, that they thought i could neverreach it, and that i should be lost in the woods.

when i heard this i was seized with a violentpanic, and abandoned myself to despair. night too began to approach, and aggravatedall my fears. i had before entertained hopes of gettinghome, and i had determined when it should be dark to make the attempt; but i was nowconvinced it was fruitless, and i began to consider that, if possibly i could escapeall other animals, i could not those of the human kind; and that, not knowing the way,i must perish in the woods. thus was i like the hunted deer: —"ev'ry leaf and ev'ry whisp'ring breathconvey'd a foe, and ev'ry foe a death." i heard frequent rustlings among the leaves;and being pretty sure they were snakes i expected

every instant to be stung by them. this increased my anguish, and the horrorof my situation became now quite insupportable. i at length quitted the thicket, very faintand hungry, for i had not eaten or drank any thing all the day; and crept to my master'skitchen, from whence i set out at first, and which was an open shed, and laid myself downin the ashes with an anxious wish for death to relieve me from all my pains. i was scarcely awake in the morning when theold woman slave, who was the first up, came to light the fire, and saw me in the fireplace. she was very much surprised to see me, andcould scarcely believe her own eyes.

she now promised to intercede for me, andwent for her master, who soon after came, and, having slightly reprimanded me, orderedme to be taken care of, and not to be ill-treated. soon after this my master's only daughter,and child by his first wife, sickened and died, which affected him so much that forsome time he was almost frantic, and really would have killed himself, had he not beenwatched and prevented. however, in a small time afterwards he recovered,and i was again sold. i was now carried to the left of the sun'srising, through many different countries, and a number of large woods. the people i was sold to used to carry mevery often, when i was tired, either on their

shoulders or on their backs. i saw many convenient well-built sheds alongthe roads, at proper distances, to accommodate the merchants and travellers, who lay in thosebuildings along with their wives, who often accompany them; and they always go well armed. from the time i left my own nation i alwaysfound somebody that understood me till i came to the sea coast. the languages of different nations did nottotally differ, nor were they so copious as those of the europeans, particularly the english. they were therefore easily learned; and, whilei was journeying thus through africa, i acquired

two or three different tongues. in this manner i had been travelling for aconsiderable time, when one evening, to my great surprise, whom should i see broughtto the house where i was but my dear sister! as soon as she saw me she gave a loud shriek,and ran into my arms—i was quite overpowered: neither of us could speak; but, for a considerabletime, clung to each other in mutual embraces, unable to do any thing but weep. our meeting affected all who saw us; and indeedi must acknowledge, in honour of those sable destroyers of human rights, that i never metwith any ill treatment, or saw any offered to their slaves, except tying them, when necessary,to keep them from running away.

when these people knew we were brother andsister they indulged us together; and the man, to whom i supposed we belonged, lay withus, he in the middle, while she and i held one another by the hands across his breastall night; and thus for a while we forgot our misfortunes in the joy of being together:but even this small comfort was soon to have an end; for scarcely had the fatal morningappeared, when she was again torn from me for ever! i was now more miserable, if possible, thanbefore. the small relief which her presence gave mefrom pain was gone, and the wretchedness of my situation was redoubled by my anxiety afterher fate, and my apprehensions lest her sufferings

should be greater than mine, when i couldnot be with her to alleviate them. yes, thou dear partner of all my childishsports! thou sharer of my joys and sorrows! happy should i have ever esteemed myself toencounter every misery for you, and to procure your freedom by the sacrifice of my own. though you were early forced from my arms,your image has been always rivetted in my heart, from which neither time nor fortunehave been able to remove it; so that, while the thoughts of your sufferings have dampedmy prosperity, they have mingled with adversity and increased its bitterness. to that heaven which protects the weak fromthe strong, i commit the care of your innocence

and virtues, if they have not already receivedtheir full reward, and if your youth and delicacy have not long since fallen victims to theviolence of the african trader, the pestilential stench of a guinea ship, the seasoning inthe european colonies, or the lash and lust of a brutal and unrelenting overseer. i did not long remain after my sister. i was again sold, and carried through a numberof places, till, after travelling a considerable time, i came to a town called tinmah, in themost beautiful country i have yet seen in africa. it was extremely rich, and there were manyrivulets which flowed through it, and supplied

a large pond in the centre of the town, wherethe people washed. here i first saw and tasted cocoa-nuts, whichi thought superior to any nuts i had ever tasted before; and the trees, which were loaded,were also interspersed amongst the houses, which had commodious shades adjoining, andwere in the same manner as ours, the insides being neatly plastered and whitewashed. here i also saw and tasted for the first timesugar-cane. their money consisted of little white shells,the size of the finger nail. i was sold here for one hundred and seventy-twoof them by a merchant who lived and brought me there.

i had been about two or three days at hishouse, when a wealthy widow, a neighbour of his, came there one evening, and brought withher an only son, a young gentleman about my own age and size. here they saw me; and, having taken a fancyto me, i was bought of the merchant, and went home with them. her house and premises were situated closeto one of those rivulets i have mentioned, and were the finest i ever saw in africa:they were very extensive, and she had a number of slaves to attend her. the next day i was washed and perfumed, andwhen meal-time came i was led into the presence

of my mistress, and ate and drank before herwith her son. this filled me with astonishment; and i couldscarce help expressing my surprise that the young gentleman should suffer me, who wasbound, to eat with him who was free; and not only so, but that he would not at any timeeither eat or drink till i had taken first, because i was the eldest, which was agreeableto our custom. indeed every thing here, and all their treatmentof me, made me forget that i was a slave. the language of these people resembled oursso nearly, that we understood each other perfectly. they had also the very same customs as we. there were likewise slaves daily to attendus, while my young master and i with other

boys sported with our darts and bows and arrows,as i had been used to do at home. in this resemblance to my former happy statei passed about two months; and i now began to think i was to be adopted into the family,and was beginning to be reconciled to my situation, and to forget by degrees my misfortunes, whenall at once the delusion vanished; for, without the least previous knowledge, one morningearly, while my dear master and companion was still asleep, i was wakened out of myreverie to fresh sorrow, and hurried away even amongst the uncircumcised. thus, at the very moment i dreamed of thegreatest happiness, i found myself most miserable; and it seemed as if fortune wished to giveme this taste of joy, only to render the reverse

more poignant. the change i now experienced was as painfulas it was sudden and unexpected. it was a change indeed from a state of blissto a scene which is inexpressible by me, as it discovered to me an element i had neverbefore beheld, and till then had no idea of, and wherein such instances of hardship andcruelty continually occurred as i can never reflect on but with horror. all the nations and people i had hithertopassed through resembled our own in their manners, customs, and language: but i cameat length to a country, the inhabitants of which differed from us in all those particulars.

i was very much struck with this difference,especially when i came among a people who did not circumcise, and ate without washingtheir hands. they cooked also in iron pots, and had europeancutlasses and cross bows, which were unknown to us, and fought with their fists amongstthemselves. their women were not so modest as ours, forthey ate, and drank, and slept, with their men. but, above all, i was amazed to see no sacrificesor offerings among them. in some of those places the people ornamentedthemselves with scars, and likewise filed their teeth very sharp.

they wanted sometimes to ornament me in thesame manner, but i would not suffer them; hoping that i might some time be among a peoplewho did not thus disfigure themselves, as i thought they did. at last i came to the banks of a large river,which was covered with canoes, in which the people appeared to live with their householdutensils and provisions of all kinds. i was beyond measure astonished at this, asi had never before seen any water larger than a pond or a rivulet: and my surprise was mingledwith no small fear when i was put into one of these canoes, and we began to paddle andmove along the river. we continued going on thus till night; andwhen we came to land, and made fires on the

banks, each family by themselves, some draggedtheir canoes on shore, others stayed and cooked in theirs, and laid in them all night. those on the land had mats, of which theymade tents, some in the shape of little houses: in these we slept; and after the morning mealwe embarked again and proceeded as before. i was often very much astonished to see someof the women, as well as the men, jump into the water, dive to the bottom, come up again,and swim about. thus i continued to travel, sometimes by land,sometimes by water, through different countries and various nations, till, at the end of sixor seven months after i had been kidnapped, i arrived at the sea coast.

it would be tedious and uninteresting to relateall the incidents which befell me during this journey, and which i have not yet forgotten;of the various hands i passed through, and the manners and customs of all the differentpeople among whom i lived: i shall therefore only observe, that in all the places wherei was the soil was exceedingly rich; the pomkins, eadas, plantains, yams, &c. &c. were in greatabundance, and of incredible size. there were also vast quantities of differentgums, though not used for any purpose; and every where a great deal of tobacco. the cotton even grew quite wild; and therewas plenty of redwood. i saw no mechanics whatever in all the way,except such as i have mentioned.

the chief employment in all these countrieswas agriculture, and both the males and females, as with us, were brought up to it, and trainedin the arts of war. the first object which saluted my eyes wheni arrived on the coast was the sea, and a slave ship, which was then riding at anchor,and waiting for its cargo. these filled me with astonishment, which wassoon converted into terror when i was carried on board. i was immediately handled and tossed up tosee if i were sound by some of the crew; and i was now persuaded that i had gotten intoa world of bad spirits, and that they were going to kill me.

their complexions too differing so much fromours, their long hair, and the language they spoke, (which was very different from anyi had ever heard) united to confirm me in this belief. indeed such were the horrors of my views andfears at the moment, that, if ten thousand worlds had been my own, i would have freelyparted with them all to have exchanged my condition with that of the meanest slave inmy own country. when i looked round the ship too and saw alarge furnace or copper boiling, and a multitude of black people of every description chainedtogether, every one of their countenances expressing dejection and sorrow, i no longerdoubted of my fate; and, quite overpowered

with horror and anguish, i fell motionlesson the deck and fainted. when i recovered a little i found some blackpeople about me, who i believed were some of those who brought me on board, and hadbeen receiving their pay; they talked to me in order to cheer me, but all in vain. i asked them if we were not to be eaten bythose white men with horrible looks, red faces, and loose hair. they told me i was not; and one of the crewbrought me a small portion of spirituous liquor in a wine glass; but, being afraid of him,i would not take it out of his hand. one of the blacks therefore took it from himand gave it to me, and i took a little down

my palate, which, instead of reviving me,as they thought it would, threw me into the greatest consternation at the strange feelingit produced, having never tasted any such liquor before. soon after this the blacks who brought meon board went off, and left me abandoned to despair. i now saw myself deprived of all chance ofreturning to my native country, or even the least glimpse of hope of gaining the shore,which i now considered as friendly; and i even wished for my former slavery in preferenceto my present situation, which was filled with horrors of every kind, still heightenedby my ignorance of what i was to undergo.

i was not long suffered to indulge my grief;i was soon put down under the decks, and there i received such a salutation in my nostrilsas i had never experienced in my life: so that, with the loathsomeness of the stench,and crying together, i became so sick and low that i was not able to eat, nor had ithe least desire to taste any thing. i now wished for the last friend, death, torelieve me; but soon, to my grief, two of the white men offered me eatables; and, onmy refusing to eat, one of them held me fast by the hands, and laid me across i think thewindlass, and tied my feet, while the other flogged me severely. i had never experienced any thing of thiskind before; and although, not being used

to the water, i naturally feared that elementthe first time i saw it, yet nevertheless, could i have got over the nettings, i wouldhave jumped over the side, but i could not; and, besides, the crew used to watch us veryclosely who were not chained down to the decks, lest we should leap into the water: and ihave seen some of these poor african prisoners most severely cut for attempting to do so,and hourly whipped for not eating. this indeed was often the case with myself. in a little time after, amongst the poor chainedmen, i found some of my own nation, which in a small degree gave ease to my mind. i inquired of these what was to be done withus; they gave me to understand we were to

be carried to these white people's countryto work for them. i then was a little revived, and thought,if it were no worse than working, my situation was not so desperate: but still i feared ishould be put to death, the white people looked and acted, as i thought, in so savage a manner;for i had never seen among any people such instances of brutal cruelty; and this notonly shewn towards us blacks, but also to some of the whites themselves. one white man in particular i saw, when wewere permitted to be on deck, flogged so unmercifully with a large rope near the foremast, thathe died in consequence of it; and they tossed him over the side as they would have donea brute.

this made me fear these people the more; andi expected nothing less than to be treated in the same manner. i could not help expressing my fears and apprehensionsto some of my countrymen: i asked them if these people had no country, but lived inthis hollow place (the ship): they told me they did not, but came from a distant one. 'then,' said i, 'how comes it in all our countrywe never heard of them?' they told me because they lived so very faroff. i then asked where were their women? had theyany like themselves? i was told they had: 'and why,' said i,'dowe not see them?'

they answered, because they were left behind. i asked how the vessel could go? they toldme they could not tell; but that there were cloths put upon the masts by the help of theropes i saw, and then the vessel went on; and the white men had some spell or magicthey put in the water when they liked in order to stop the vessel. i was exceedingly amazed at this account,and really thought they were spirits. i therefore wished much to be from amongstthem, for i expected they would sacrifice me: but my wishes were vain; for we were soquartered that it was impossible for any of us to make our escape.

while we stayed on the coast i was mostlyon deck; and one day, to my great astonishment, i saw one of these vessels coming in withthe sails up. as soon as the whites saw it, they gave agreat shout, at which we were amazed; and the more so as the vessel appeared largerby approaching nearer. at last she came to an anchor in my sight,and when the anchor was let go i and my countrymen who saw it were lost in astonishment to observethe vessel stop; and were not convinced it was done by magic. soon after this the other ship got her boatsout, and they came on board of us, and the people of both ships seemed very glad to seeeach other.

several of the strangers also shook handswith us black people, and made motions with their hands, signifying i suppose we wereto go to their country; but we did not understand them. at last, when the ship we were in had gotin all her cargo, they made ready with many fearful noises, and we were all put underdeck, so that we could not see how they managed the vessel. but this disappointment was the least of mysorrow. the stench of the hold while we were on thecoast was so intolerably loathsome, that it was dangerous to remain there for any time,and some of us had been permitted to stay

on the deck for the fresh air; but now thatthe whole ship's cargo were confined together, it became absolutely pestilential. the closeness of the place, and the heat ofthe climate, added to the number in the ship, which was so crowded that each had scarcelyroom to turn himself, almost suffocated us. this produced copious perspirations, so thatthe air soon became unfit for respiration, from a variety of loathsome smells, and broughton a sickness among the slaves, of which many died, thus falling victims to the improvidentavarice, as i may call it, of their purchasers. this wretched situation was again aggravatedby the galling of the chains, now become insupportable; and the filth of the necessary tubs, intowhich the children often fell, and were almost

suffocated. the shrieks of the women, and the groans ofthe dying, rendered the whole a scene of horror almost inconceivable. happily perhaps for myself i was soon reducedso low here that it was thought necessary to keep me almost always on deck; and frommy extreme youth i was not put in fetters. in this situation i expected every hour toshare the fate of my companions, some of whom were almost daily brought upon deck at thepoint of death, which i began to hope would soon put an end to my miseries. often did i think many of the inhabitantsof the deep much more happy than myself.

i envied them the freedom they enjoyed, andas often wished i could change my condition for theirs. every circumstance i met with served onlyto render my state more painful, and heighten my apprehensions, and my opinion of the crueltyof the whites. one day they had taken a number of fishes;and when they had killed and satisfied themselves with as many as they thought fit, to our astonishmentwho were on the deck, rather than give any of them to us to eat as we expected, theytossed the remaining fish into the sea again, although we begged and prayed for some aswell as we could, but in vain; and some of my countrymen, being pressed by hunger, tookan opportunity, when they thought no one saw

them, of trying to get a little privately;but they were discovered, and the attempt procured them some very severe floggings. one day, when we had a smooth sea and moderatewind, two of my wearied countrymen who were chained together (i was near them at the time),preferring death to such a life of misery, somehow made through the nettings and jumpedinto the sea: immediately another quite dejected fellow, who, on account of his illness, wassuffered to be out of irons, also followed their example; and i believe many more wouldvery soon have done the same if they had not been prevented by the ship's crew, who wereinstantly alarmed. those of us that were the most active werein a moment put down under the deck, and there

was such a noise and confusion amongst thepeople of the ship as i never heard before, to stop her, and get the boat out to go afterthe slaves. however two of the wretches were drowned,but they got the other, and afterwards flogged him unmercifully for thus attempting to preferdeath to slavery. in this manner we continued to undergo morehardships than i can now relate, hardships which are inseparable from this accursed trade. many a time we were near suffocation fromthe want of fresh air, which we were often without for whole days together. this, and the stench of the necessary tubs,carried off many.

during our passage i first saw flying fishes,which surprised me very much: they used frequently to fly across the ship, and many of them fellon the deck. i also now first saw the use of the quadrant;i had often with astonishment seen the mariners make observations with it, and i could notthink what it meant. they at last took notice of my surprise; andone of them, willing to increase it, as well as to gratify my curiosity, made me one daylook through it. the clouds appeared to me to be land, whichdisappeared as they passed along. this heightened my wonder; and i was now morepersuaded than ever that i was in another world, and that every thing about me was magic.

at last we came in sight of the island ofbarbadoes, at which the whites on board gave a great shout, and made many signs of joyto us. we did not know what to think of this; butas the vessel drew nearer we plainly saw the harbour, and other ships of different kindsand sizes; and we soon anchored amongst them off bridge town. many merchants and planters now came on board,though it was in the evening. they put us in separate parcels, and examinedus attentively. they also made us jump, and pointed to theland, signifying we were to go there. we thought by this we should be eaten by theseugly men, as they appeared to us; and, when

soon after we were all put down under thedeck again, there was much dread and trembling among us, and nothing but bitter cries tobe heard all the night from these apprehensions, insomuch that at last the white people gotsome old slaves from the land to pacify us. they told us we were not to be eaten, butto work, and were soon to go on land, where we should see many of our country people. this report eased us much; and sure enough,soon after we were landed, there came to us africans of all languages. we were conducted immediately to the merchant'syard, where we were all pent up together like so many sheep in a fold, without regard tosex or age.

as every object was new to me every thingi saw filled me with surprise. what struck me first was that the houses werebuilt with stories, and in every other respect different from those in africa: but i wasstill more astonished on seeing people on horseback. i did not know what this could mean; and indeedi thought these people were full of nothing but magical arts. while i was in this astonishment one of myfellow prisoners spoke to a countryman of his about the horses, who said they were thesame kind they had in their country. i understood them, though they were from adistant part of africa, and i thought it odd

i had not seen any horses there; but afterwards,when i came to converse with different africans, i found they had many horses amongst them,and much larger than those i then saw. we were not many days in the merchant's custodybefore we were sold after their usual manner, which is this:—on a signal given,(as thebeat of a drum) the buyers rush at once into the yard where the slaves are confined, andmake choice of that parcel they like best. the noise and clamour with which this is attended,and the eagerness visible in the countenances of the buyers, serve not a little to increasethe apprehensions of the terrified africans, who may well be supposed to consider themas the ministers of that destruction to which they think themselves devoted.

in this manner, without scruple, are relationsand friends separated, most of them never to see each other again. i remember in the vessel in which i was broughtover, in the men's apartment, there were several brothers, who, in the sale, were sold in differentlots; and it was very moving on this occasion to see and hear their cries at parting. o, ye nominal christians! might not an africanask you, learned you this from your god, who says unto you, do unto all men as you wouldmen should do unto you? is it not enough that we are torn from ourcountry and friends to toil for your luxury and lust of gain?

must every tender feeling be likewise sacrificedto your avarice? are the dearest friends and relations, nowrendered more dear by their separation from their kindred, still to be parted from eachother, and thus prevented from cheering the gloom of slavery with the small comfort ofbeing together and mingling their sufferings and sorrows? why are parents to lose their children, brotherstheir sisters, or husbands their wives? surely this is a new refinement in cruelty,which, while it has no advantage to atone for it, thus aggravates distress, and addsfresh horrors even to the wretchedness of slavery.

iii. the author is carried to virginia—his distress—surpriseat seeing a picture and a watch—is bought by captain pascal, and sets out for england—histerror during the voyage—arrives in england—his wonder at a fall of snow—is sent to guernsey,and in some time goes on board a ship of war with his master—some account of the expeditionagainst louisbourg under the command of admiral boscawen, in 1758. i now totally lost the small remains of comforti had enjoyed in conversing with my countrymen; the women too, who used to wash and take careof me, were all gone different ways, and i never saw one of them afterwards.

i stayed in this island for a few days; ibelieve it could not be above a fortnight; when i and some few more slaves, that werenot saleable amongst the rest, from very much fretting, were shipped off in a sloop fornorth america. on the passage we were better treated thanwhen we were coming from africa, and we had plenty of rice and fat pork. we were landed up a river a good way fromthe sea, about virginia county, where we saw few or none of our native africans, and notone soul who could talk to me. i was a few weeks weeding grass, and gatheringstones in a plantation; and at last all my companions were distributed different ways,and only myself was left.

i was now exceedingly miserable, and thoughtmyself worse off than any of the rest of my companions; for they could talk to each other,but i had no person to speak to that i could understand. in this state i was constantly grieving andpining, and wishing for death rather than any thing else. while i was in this plantation the gentleman,to whom i suppose the estate belonged, being unwell, i was one day sent for to his dwellinghouse to fan him; when i came into the room where he was i was very much affrighted atsome things i saw, and the more so as i had seen a black woman slave as i came throughthe house, who was cooking the dinner, and

the poor creature was cruelly loaded withvarious kinds of iron machines; she had one particularly on her head, which locked hermouth so fast that she could scarcely speak; and could not eat nor drink. i was much astonished and shocked at thiscontrivance, which i afterwards learned was called the iron muzzle. soon after i had a fan put into my hand, tofan the gentleman while he slept; and so i did indeed with great fear. while he was fast asleep i indulged myselfa great deal in looking about the room, which to me appeared very fine and curious.

the first object that engaged my attentionwas a watch which hung on the chimney, and was going. i was quite surprised at the noise it made,and was afraid it would tell the gentleman any thing i might do amiss: and when i immediatelyafter observed a picture hanging in the room, which appeared constantly to look at me, iwas still more affrighted, having never seen such things as these before. at one time i thought it was something relativeto magic; and not seeing it move i thought it might be some way the whites had to keeptheir great men when they died, and offer them libation as we used to do to our friendlyspirits.

in this state of anxiety i remained till mymaster awoke, when i was dismissed out of the room, to my no small satisfaction andrelief; for i thought that these people were all made up of wonders. in this place i was called jacob; but on boardthe african snow i was called michael. i had been some time in this miserable, forlorn,and much dejected state, without having any one to talk to, which made my life a burden,when the kind and unknown hand of the creator (who in very deed leads the blind in a waythey know not) now began to appear, to my comfort; for one day the captain of a merchantship, called the industrious bee, came on some business to my master's house.

this gentleman, whose name was michael henrypascal, was a lieutenant in the royal navy, but now commanded this trading ship, whichwas somewhere in the confines of the county many miles off. while he was at my master's house it happenedthat he saw me, and liked me so well that he made a purchase of me. i think i have often heard him say he gavethirty or forty pounds sterling for me; but i do not now remember which. however, he meant me for a present to someof his friends in england: and i was sent accordingly from the house of my then master,one mr. campbell, to the place where the ship

lay; i was conducted on horseback by an elderlyblack man, (a mode of travelling which appeared very odd to me). when i arrived i was carried on board a finelarge ship, loaded with tobacco, &c. and just ready to sail for england. i now thought my condition much mended; ihad sails to lie on, and plenty of good victuals to eat; and every body on board used me verykindly, quite contrary to what i had seen of any white people before; i therefore beganto think that they were not all of the same disposition. a few days after i was on board we sailedfor england.

i was still at a loss to conjecture my destiny. by this time, however, i could smatter a littleimperfect english; and i wanted to know as well as i could where we were going. some of the people of the ship used to tellme they were going to carry me back to my own country, and this made me very happy. i was quite rejoiced at the sound of goingback; and thought if i should get home what wonders i should have to tell. but i was reserved for another fate, and wassoon undeceived when we came within sight of the english coast.

while i was on board this ship, my captainand master named me gustavus vassa. i at that time began to understand him a little,and refused to be called so, and told him as well as i could that i would be calledjacob; but he said i should not, and still called me gustavus; and when i refused toanswer to my new name, which at first i did, it gained me many a cuff; so at length i submitted,and was obliged to bear the present name, by which i have been known ever since. the ship had a very long passage; and on thataccount we had very short allowance of provisions. towards the last we had only one pound anda half of bread per week, and about the same quantity of meat, and one quart of water a-day.

we spoke with only one vessel the whole timewe were at sea, and but once we caught a few fishes. in our extremities the captain and peopletold me in jest they would kill and eat me; but i thought them in earnest, and was depressedbeyond measure, expecting every moment to be my last. while i was in this situation one eveningthey caught, with a good deal of trouble, a large shark, and got it on board. this gladdened my poor heart exceedingly,as i thought it would serve the people to eat instead of their eating me; but very soon,to my astonishment, they cut off a small part

of the tail, and tossed the rest over theside. this renewed my consternation; and i did notknow what to think of these white people, though i very much feared they would killand eat me. there was on board the ship a young lad whohad never been at sea before, about four or five years older than myself: his name wasrichard baker. he was a native of america, had received anexcellent education, and was of a most amiable temper. soon after i went on board he shewed me agreat deal of partiality and attention, and in return i grew extremely fond of him.

we at length became inseparable; and, forthe space of two years, he was of very great use to me, and was my constant companion andinstructor. although this dear youth had many slaves ofhis own, yet he and i have gone through many sufferings together on shipboard; and we havemany nights lain in each other's bosoms when we were in great distress. thus such a friendship was cemented betweenus as we cherished till his death, which, to my very great sorrow, happened in the year1759, when he was up the archipelago, on board his majesty's ship the preston: an event whichi have never ceased to regret, as i lost at once a kind interpreter, an agreeable companion,and a faithful friend; who, at the age of

fifteen, discovered a mind superior to prejudice;and who was not ashamed to notice, to associate with, and to be the friend and instructorof one who was ignorant, a stranger, of a different complexion, and a slave! my master had lodged in his mother's housein america: he respected him very much, and made him always eat with him in the cabin. he used often to tell him jocularly that hewould kill me to eat. sometimes he would say to me—the black peoplewere not good to eat, and would ask me if we did not eat people in my country. i said, no: then he said he would kill dick(as he always called him) first, and afterwards

me. though this hearing relieved my mind a littleas to myself, i was alarmed for dick and whenever he was called i used to be very much afraidhe was to be killed; and i would peep and watch to see if they were going to kill him:nor was i free from this consternation till we made the land. one night we lost a man overboard; and thecries and noise were so great and confused, in stopping the ship, that i, who did notknow what was the matter, began, as usual, to be very much afraid, and to think theywere going to make an offering with me, and perform some magic; which i still believedthey dealt in.

as the waves were very high i thought theruler of the seas was angry, and i expected to be offered up to appease him. this filled my mind with agony, and i couldnot any more that night close my eyes again to rest. however, when daylight appeared i was a littleeased in my mind; but still every time i was called i used to think it was to be killed. some time after this we saw some very largefish, which i afterwards found were called grampusses. they looked to me extremely terrible, andmade their appearance just at dusk; and were

so near as to blow the water on the ship'sdeck. i believed them to be the rulers of the sea;and, as the white people did not make any offerings at any time, i thought they wereangry with them: and, at last, what confirmed my belief was, the wind just then died away,and a calm ensued, and in consequence of it the ship stopped going. i supposed that the fish had performed this,and i hid myself in the fore part of the ship, through fear of being offered up to appeasethem, every minute peeping and quaking: but my good friend dick came shortly towards me,and i took an opportunity to ask him, as well as i could, what these fish were.

not being able to talk much english, i couldbut just make him understand my question; and not at all, when i asked him if any offeringswere to be made to them: however, he told me these fish would swallow any body; whichsufficiently alarmed me. here he was called away by the captain, whowas leaning over the quarter-deck railing and looking at the fish; and most of the peoplewere busied in getting a barrel of pitch to light, for them to play with. the captain now called me to him, having learnedsome of my apprehensions from dick; and having diverted himself and others for some timewith my fears, which appeared ludicrous enough in my crying and trembling, he dismissed me.

the barrel of pitch was now lighted and putover the side into the water: by this time it was just dark, and the fish went afterit; and, to my great joy, i saw them no more. however, all my alarms began to subside whenwe got sight of land; and at last the ship arrived at falmouth, after a passage of thirteenweeks. every heart on board seemed gladdened on ourreaching the shore, and none more than mine. the captain immediately went on shore, andsent on board some fresh provisions, which we wanted very much: we made good use of them,and our famine was soon turned into feasting, almost without ending. it was about the beginning of the spring 1757when i arrived in england, and i was near

twelve years of age at that time. i was very much struck with the buildingsand the pavement of the streets in falmouth; and, indeed, any object i saw filled me withnew surprise. one morning, when i got upon deck, i saw itcovered all over with the snow that fell over-night: as i had never seen any thing of the kindbefore, i thought it was salt; so i immediately ran down to the mate and desired him, as wellas i could, to come and see how somebody in the night had thrown salt all over the deck. he, knowing what it was, desired me to bringsome of it down to him: accordingly i took up a handful of it, which i found very coldindeed; and when i brought it to him he desired

me to taste it. i did so, and i was surprised beyond measure. i then asked him what it was; he told me itwas snow: but i could not in anywise understand him. he asked me if we had no such thing in mycountry; and i told him, no. i then asked him the use of it, and who madeit; he told me a great man in the heavens, called god: but here again i was to all intentsand purposes at a loss to understand him; and the more so, when a little after i sawthe air filled with it, in a heavy shower, which fell down on the same day.

after this i went to church; and having neverbeen at such a place before, i was again amazed at seeing and hearing the service. i asked all i could about it; and they gaveme to understand it was worshipping god, who made us and all things. i was still at a great loss, and soon gotinto an endless field of inquiries, as well as i was able to speak and ask about things. however, my little friend dick used to bemy best interpreter; for i could make free with him, and he always instructed me withpleasure: and from what i could understand by him of this god, and in seeing these whitepeople did not sell one another, as we did,

i was much pleased; and in this i thoughtthey were much happier than we africans. i was astonished at the wisdom of the whitepeople in all things i saw; but was amazed at their not sacrificing, or making any offerings,and eating with unwashed hands, and touching the dead. i likewise could not help remarking the particularslenderness of their women, which i did not at first like; and i thought they were notso modest and shamefaced as the african women. i had often seen my master and dick employedin reading; and i had a great curiosity to talk to the books, as i thought they did;and so to learn how all things had a beginning: for that purpose i have often taken up a book,and have talked to it, and then put my ears

to it, when alone, in hopes it would answerme; and i have been very much concerned when i found it remained silent. my master lodged at the house of a gentlemanin falmouth, who had a fine little daughter about six or seven years of age, and she grewprodigiously fond of me; insomuch that we used to eat together, and had servants towait on us. i was so much caressed by this family thatit often reminded me of the treatment i had received from my little noble african master. after i had been here a few days, i was senton board of the ship; but the child cried so much after me that nothing could pacifyher till i was sent for again.

it is ludicrous enough, that i began to feari should be betrothed to this young lady; and when my master asked me if i would staythere with her behind him, as he was going away with the ship, which had taken in thetobacco again, i cried immediately, and said i would not leave her. at last, by stealth, one night i was senton board the ship again; and in a little time we sailed for guernsey, where she was in partowned by a merchant, one nicholas doberry. as i was now amongst a people who had nottheir faces scarred, like some of the african nations where i had been, i was very gladi did not let them ornament me in that manner when i was with them.

when we arrived at guernsey, my master placedme to board and lodge with one of his mates, who had a wife and family there; and somemonths afterwards he went to england, and left me in care of this mate, together withmy friend dick: this mate had a little daughter, aged about five or six years, with whom iused to be much delighted. i had often observed that when her motherwashed her face it looked very rosy; but when she washed mine it did not look so: i thereforetried oftentimes myself if i could not by washing make my face of the same colour asmy little play-mate (mary), but it was all in vain; and i now began to be mortified atthe difference in our complexions. this woman behaved to me with great kindnessand attention; and taught me every thing in

the same manner as she did her own child,and indeed in every respect treated me as such. i remained here till the summer of the year1757; when my master, being appointed first lieutenant of his majesty's ship the roebuck,sent for dick and me, and his old mate: on this we all left guernsey, and set out forengland in a sloop bound for london. as we were coming up towards the nore, wherethe roebuck lay, a man of war's boat came alongside to press our people; on which eachman ran to hide himself. i was very much frightened at this, thoughi did not know what it meant, or what to think or do.

however i went and hid myself also under ahencoop. immediately afterwards the press-gang cameon board with their swords drawn, and searched all about, pulled the people out by force,and put them into the boat. at last i was found out also: the man thatfound me held me up by the heels while they all made their sport of me, i roaring andcrying out all the time most lustily: but at last the mate, who was my conductor, seeingthis, came to my assistance, and did all he could to pacify me; but all to very littlepurpose, till i had seen the boat go off. soon afterwards we came to the nore, wherethe roebuck lay; and, to our great joy, my master came on board to us, and brought usto the ship.

when i went on board this large ship, i wasamazed indeed to see the quantity of men and the guns. however my surprise began to diminish as myknowledge increased; and i ceased to feel those apprehensions and alarms which had takensuch strong possession of me when i first came among the europeans, and for some timeafter. i began now to pass to an opposite extreme;i was so far from being afraid of any thing new which i saw, that, after i had been sometime in this ship, i even began to long for a battle. my griefs too, which in young minds are notperpetual, were now wearing away; and i soon

enjoyed myself pretty well, and felt tolerablyeasy in my present situation. there was a number of boys on board, whichstill made it more agreeable; for we were always together, and a great part of our timewas spent in play. i remained in this ship a considerable time,during which we made several cruises, and visited a variety of places: among otherswe were twice in holland, and brought over several persons of distinction from it, whosenames i do not now remember. on the passage, one day, for the diversionof those gentlemen, all the boys were called on the quarter-deck, and were paired proportionably,and then made to fight; after which the gentleman gave the combatants from five to nine shillingseach.

this was the first time i ever fought witha white boy; and i never knew what it was to have a bloody nose before. this made me fight most desperately; i supposeconsiderably more than an hour: and at last, both of us being weary, we were parted. i had a great deal of this kind of sport afterwards,in which the captain and the ship's company used very much to encourage me. sometime afterwards the ship went to leithin scotland, and from thence to the orkneys, where i was surprised in seeing scarcely anynight: and from thence we sailed with a great fleet, full of soldiers, for england.

all this time we had never come to an engagement,though we were frequently cruising off the coast of france: during which we chased manyvessels, and took in all seventeen prizes. i had been learning many of the manoeuvresof the ship during our cruise; and i was several times made to fire the guns. one evening, off havre de grace, just as itwas growing dark, we were standing off shore, and met with a fine large french-built frigate. we got all things immediately ready for fighting;and i now expected i should be gratified in seeing an engagement, which i had so longwished for in vain. but the very moment the word of command wasgiven to fire we heard those on board the

other ship cry 'haul down the jib;' and inthat instant she hoisted english colours. there was instantly with us an amazing cryof—avast! or stop firing; and i think one or two guns had been let off, but happilythey did no mischief. we had hailed them several times; but theynot hearing, we received no answer, which was the cause of our firing. the boat was then sent on board of her, andshe proved to be the ambuscade man of war, to my no small disappointment. we returned to portsmouth, without havingbeen in any action, just at the trial of admiral byng (whom i saw several times during it):and my master having left the ship, and gone

to london for promotion, dick and i were puton board the savage sloop of war, and we went in her to assist in bringing off the st. georgeman of war, that had ran ashore somewhere on the coast. after staying a few weeks on board the savage,dick and i were sent on shore at deal, where we remained some short time, till my mastersent for us to london, the place i had long desired exceedingly to see. we therefore both with great pleasure gotinto a waggon, and came to london, where we were received by a mr. guerin, a relationof my master. this gentleman had two sisters, very amiableladies, who took much notice and great care

of me. though i had desired so much to see london,when i arrived in it i was unfortunately unable to gratify my curiosity; for i had at thistime the chilblains to such a degree that i could not stand for several months, andi was obliged to be sent to st. george's hospital. there i grew so ill, that the doctors wantedto cut my left leg off at different times, apprehending a mortification; but i alwayssaid i would rather die than suffer it; and happily (i thank god) i recovered withoutthe operation. after being there several weeks, and justas i had recovered, the small-pox broke out on me, so that i was again confined; and ithought myself now particularly unfortunate.

however i soon recovered again; and by thistime my master having been promoted to be first lieutenant of the preston man of warof fifty guns, then new at deptford, dick and i were sent on board her, and soon afterwe went to holland to bring over the late duke of —— to england.—while i was inthis ship an incident happened, which, though trifling, i beg leave to relate, as i couldnot help taking particular notice of it, and considering it then as a judgment of god. one morning a young man was looking up tothe fore-top, and in a wicked tone, common on shipboard, d——d his eyes about something. just at the moment some small particles ofdirt fell into his left eye, and by the evening

it was very much inflamed. the next day it grew worse; and within sixor seven days he lost it. from this ship my master was appointed a lieutenanton board the royal george. when he was going he wished me to stay onboard the preston, to learn the french horn; but the ship being ordered for turkey i couldnot think of leaving my master, to whom i was very warmly attached; and i told him ifhe left me behind it would break my heart. this prevailed on him to take me with him;but he left dick on board the preston, whom i embraced at parting for the last time. the royal george was the largest ship i hadever seen; so that when i came on board of

her i was surprised at the number of people,men, women, and children, of every denomination; and the largeness of the guns, many of themalso of brass, which i had never seen before. here were also shops or stalls of every kindof goods, and people crying their different commodities about the ship as in a town. to me it appeared a little world, into whichi was again cast without a friend, for i had no longer my dear companion dick. we did not stay long here. my master was not many weeks on board beforehe got an appointment to be sixth lieutenant of the namur, which was then at spithead,fitting up for vice-admiral boscawen, who

was going with a large fleet on an expeditionagainst louisburgh. the crew of the royal george were turned overto her, and the flag of that gallant admiral was hoisted on board, the blue at the maintop-gallantmast head. there was a very great fleet of men of warof every description assembled together for this expedition, and i was in hopes soon tohave an opportunity of being gratified with a sea-fight. all things being now in readiness, this mightyfleet (for there was also admiral cornish's fleet in company, destined for the east indies)at last weighed anchor, and sailed. the two fleets continued in company for severaldays, and then parted; admiral cornish, in

the lenox, having first saluted our admiralin the namur, which he returned. we then steered for america; but, by contrarywinds, we were driven to teneriffe, where i was struck with its noted peak. its prodigious height, and its form, resemblinga sugar-loaf, filled me with wonder. we remained in sight of this island some days,and then proceeded for america, which we soon made, and got into a very commodious harbourcalled st. george, in halifax, where we had fish in great plenty, and all other freshprovisions. we were here joined by different men of warand transport ships with soldiers; after which, our fleet being increased to a prodigiousnumber of ships of all kinds, we sailed for

cape breton in nova scotia. we had the good and gallant general wolfeon board our ship, whose affability made him highly esteemed and beloved by all the men. he often honoured me, as well as other boys,with marks of his notice; and saved me once a flogging for fighting with a young gentleman. we arrived at cape breton in the summer of1758: and here the soldiers were to be landed, in order to make an attack upon louisbourgh. my master had some part in superintendingthe landing; and here i was in a small measure gratified in seeing an encounter between ourmen and the enemy.

the french were posted on the shore to receiveus, and disputed our landing for a long time; but at last they were driven from their trenches,and a complete landing was effected. our troops pursued them as far as the townof louisbourgh. in this action many were killed on both sides. one thing remarkable i saw this day:—a lieutenantof the princess amelia, who, as well as my master, superintended the landing, was givingthe word of command, and while his mouth was open a musquet ball went through it, and passedout at his cheek. i had that day in my hand the scalp of anindian king, who was killed in the engagement: the scalp had been taken off by an highlander.

i saw this king's ornaments too, which werevery curious, and made of feathers. our land forces laid siege to the town oflouisbourgh, while the french men of war were blocked up in the harbour by the fleet, thebatteries at the same time playing upon them from the land. this they did with such effect, that one dayi saw some of the ships set on fire by the shells from the batteries, and i believe twoor three of them were quite burnt. at another time, about fifty boats belongingto the english men of war, commanded by captain george balfour of the ã†tna fire-ship, andanother junior captain, laforey, attacked and boarded the only two remaining frenchmen of war in the harbour.

they also set fire to a seventy-gun ship,but a sixty-four, called the bienfaisant, they brought off. during my stay here i had often an opportunityof being near captain balfour, who was pleased to notice me, and liked me so much that heoften asked my master to let him have me, but he would not part with me; and no considerationcould have induced me to leave him. at last louisbourgh was taken, and the englishmen of war came into the harbour before it, to my very great joy; for i had now more libertyof indulging myself, and i went often on shore. when the ships were in the harbour we hadthe most beautiful procession on the water i ever saw.

all the admirals and captains of the men ofwar, full dressed, and in their barges, well ornamented with pendants, came alongside ofthe namur. the vice-admiral then went on shore in hisbarge, followed by the other officers in order of seniority, to take possession, as i suppose,of the town and fort. some time after this the french governor andhis lady, and other persons of note, came on board our ship to dine. on this occasion our ships were dressed withcolours of all kinds, from the topgallant-mast head to the deck; and this, with the firingof guns, formed a most grand and magnificent spectacle.

as soon as every thing here was settled admiralboscawen sailed with part of the fleet for england, leaving some ships behind with rear-admiralssir charles hardy and durell. it was now winter; and one evening, duringour passage home, about dusk, when we were in the channel, or near soundings, and werebeginning to look for land, we descried seven sail of large men of war, which stood offshore. several people on board of our ship said,as the two fleets were (in forty minutes from the first sight) within hail of each other,that they were english men of war; and some of our people even began to name some of theships. by this time both fleets began to mingle,and our admiral ordered his flag to be hoisted.

at that instant the other fleet, which werefrench, hoisted their ensigns, and gave us a broadside as they passed by. nothing could create greater surprise andconfusion among us than this: the wind was high, the sea rough, and we had our lowerand middle deck guns housed in, so that not a single gun on board was ready to be firedat any of the french ships. however, the royal william and the somersetbeing our sternmost ships, became a little prepared, and each gave the french ships abroadside as they passed by. i afterwards heard this was a french squadron,commanded by mons. conflans; and certainly had the frenchmenknown our condition, and had a mind to fight

us, they might have done us great mischief. but we were not long before we were preparedfor an engagement. immediately many things were tossed overboard;the ships were made ready for fighting as soon as possible; and about ten at night wehad bent a new main sail, the old one being split. being now in readiness for fighting, we woreship, and stood after the french fleet, who were one or two ships in number more thanwe. however we gave them chase, and continuedpursuing them all night; and at daylight we saw six of them, all large ships of the line,and an english east indiaman, a prize they

had taken. we chased them all day till between threeand four o'clock in the evening, when we came up with, and passed within a musquet shotof, one seventy-four gun ship, and the indiaman also, who now hoisted her colours, but immediatelyhauled them down again. on this we made a signal for the other shipsto take possession of her; and, supposing the man of war would likewise strike, we cheered,but she did not; though if we had fired into her, from being so near, we must have takenher. to my utter surprise the somerset, who wasthe next ship astern of the namur, made way likewise; and, thinking they were sure ofthis french ship, they cheered in the same

manner, but still continued to follow us. the french commodore was about a gun-shotahead of all, running from us with all speed; and about four o'clock he carried his foretopmastoverboard. this caused another loud cheer with us; anda little after the topmast came close by us; but, to our great surprise, instead of comingup with her, we found she went as fast as ever, if not faster. the sea grew now much smoother; and the windlulling, the seventy-four gun ship we had passed came again by us in the very same direction,and so near, that we heard her people talk as she went by; yet not a shot was fired oneither side; and about five or six o'clock,

just as it grew dark, she joined her commodore. we chased all night; but the next day theywere out of sight, so that we saw no more of them; and we only had the old indiaman(called carnarvon i think) for our trouble. after this we stood in for the channel, andsoon made the land; and, about the close of the year 1758-9, we got safe to st. helen's. here the namur ran aground; and also anotherlarge ship astern of us; but, by starting our water, and tossing many things overboardto lighten her, we got the ships off without any damage. we stayed for a short time at spithead, andthen went into portsmouth harbour to refit;

from whence the admiral went to london; andmy master and i soon followed, with a press-gang, as we wanted some hands to complete our complement. iv. the author is baptized—narrowly escapesdrowning—goes on an expedition to the mediterranean—incidents he met with there—is witness to an engagementbetween some english and french ships—a particular account of the celebrated engagementbetween admiral boscawen and mons. le clue, off cape logas, in august 1759—dreadfulexplosion of a french ship—the author sails for england—his master appointed to thecommand of a fire-ship—meets a negro boy, from whom he experiences much benevolence—preparesfor an expedition against belle-isle—a remarkable

story of a disaster which befel his ship—arrivesat belle-isle—operations of the landing and siege—the author's danger and distress,with his manner of extricating himself—- surrender of belle-isle—transactions afterwardson the coast of france—remarkable instance of kidnapping—the author returns to england—hearsa talk of peace, and expects his freedom—his ship sails for deptford to be paid off, andwhen he arrives there he is suddenly seized by his master and carried forcibly on boarda west india ship and sold. it was now between two and three years sincei first came to england, a great part of which i had spent at sea; so that i became inuredto that service, and began to consider myself as happily situated; for my master treatedme always extremely well; and my attachment

and gratitude to him were very great. from the various scenes i had beheld on shipboard,i soon grew a stranger to terror of every kind, and was, in that respect at least, almostan englishman. i have often reflected with surprise thati never felt half the alarm at any of the numerous dangers i have been in, that i wasfilled with at the first sight of the europeans, and at every act of theirs, even the mosttrifling, when i first came among them, and for some time afterwards. that fear, however, which was the effect ofmy ignorance, wore away as i began to know i could now speak english tolerably well,and i perfectly understood every thing that

was said. i now not only felt myself quite easy withthese new countrymen, but relished their society and manners. i no longer looked upon them as spirits, butas men superior to us; and therefore i had the stronger desire to resemble them; to imbibetheir spirit, and imitate their manners; i therefore embraced every occasion of improvement;and every new thing that i observed i treasured up in my memory. i had long wished to be able to read and write;and for this purpose i took every opportunity to gain instruction, but had made as yet verylittle progress.

however, when i went to london with my master,i had soon an opportunity of improving myself, which i gladly embraced. shortly after my arrival, he sent me to waitupon the miss guerins, who had treated me with much kindness when i was there before;and they sent me to school. while i was attending these ladies their servantstold me i could not go to heaven unless i was baptized. this made me very uneasy; for i had now somefaint idea of a future state: accordingly i communicated my anxiety to the eldest missguerin, with whom i was become a favourite, and pressed her to have me baptized; whento my great joy she told me i should.

she had formerly asked my master to let mebe baptized, but he had refused; however she now insisted on it; and he being under someobligation to her brother complied with her request; so i was baptized in st. margaret'schurch, westminster, in february 1759, by my present name. the clergyman, at the same time, gave me abook, called a guide to the indians, written by the bishop of sodor and man. on this occasion miss guerin did me the honourto stand as godmother, and afterwards gave me a treat. i used to attend these ladies about the town,in which service i was extremely happy; as

i had thus many opportunities of seeing london,which i desired of all things. i was sometimes, however, with my master athis rendezvous-house, which was at the foot of westminster-bridge. here i used to enjoy myself in playing aboutthe bridge stairs, and often in the watermen's wherries, with other boys. on one of these occasions there was anotherboy with me in a wherry, and we went out into the current of the river: while we were theretwo more stout boys came to us in another wherry, and, abusing us for taking the boat,desired me to get into the other wherry-boat. accordingly i went to get out of the wherryi was in; but just as i had got one of my

feet into the other boat the boys shoved itoff, so that i fell into the thames; and, not being able to swim, i should unavoidablyhave been drowned, but for the assistance of some watermen who providentially came tomy relief. the namur being again got ready for sea, mymaster, with his gang, was ordered on board; and, to my no small grief, i was obliged toleave my school-master, whom i liked very much, and always attended while i stayed inlondon, to repair on board with my master. nor did i leave my kind patronesses, the missguerins, without uneasiness and regret. they often used to teach me to read, and tookgreat pains to instruct me in the principles of religion and the knowledge of god.

i therefore parted from those amiable ladieswith reluctance; after receiving from them many friendly cautions how to conduct myself,and some valuable presents. when i came to spithead, i found we were destinedfor the mediterranean, with a large fleet, which was now ready to put to sea. we only waited for the arrival of the admiral,who soon came on board; and about the beginning of the spring 1759, having weighed anchor,and got under way, sailed for the mediterranean; and in eleven days, from the land's end, wegot to gibraltar. while we were here i used to be often on shore,and got various fruits in great plenty, and very cheap.

i had frequently told several people, in myexcursions on shore, the story of my being kidnapped with my sister, and of our beingseparated, as i have related before; and i had as often expressed my anxiety for herfate, and my sorrow at having never met her again. one day, when i was on shore, and mentioningthese circumstances to some persons, one of them told me he knew where my sister was,and, if i would accompany him, he would bring me to her. improbable as this story was i believed itimmediately, and agreed to go with him, while my heart leaped for joy: and, indeed, he conductedme to a black young woman, who was so like

my sister, that, at first sight, i reallythought it was her: but i was quickly undeceived; and, on talking to her, i found her to beof another nation. while we lay here the preston came in fromthe levant. as soon as she arrived, my master told mei should now see my old companion, dick, who had gone in her when she sailed for turkey. i was much rejoiced at this news, and expectedevery minute to embrace him; and when the captain came on board of our ship, which hedid immediately after, i ran to inquire after my friend; but, with inexpressible sorrow,i learned from the boat's crew that the dear youth was dead! and that they had broughthis chest, and all his other things, to my

master: these he afterwards gave to me, andi regarded them as a memorial of my friend, whom i loved, and grieved for, as a brother. while we were at gibraltar, i saw a soldierhanging by his heels, at one of the moles[l]: i thought this a strange sight, as i had seena man hanged in london by his neck. at another time i saw the master of a frigatetowed to shore on a grating, by several of the men of war's boats, and discharged thefleet, which i understood was a mark of disgrace for cowardice. on board the same ship there was also a sailorhung up at the yard-arm. after lying at gibraltar for some time, wesailed up the mediterranean a considerable

way above the gulf of lyons; where we wereone night overtaken with a terrible gale of wind, much greater than any i had ever yetexperienced. the sea ran so high that, though all the gunswere well housed, there was great reason to fear their getting loose, the ship rolledso much; and if they had it must have proved our destruction. after we had cruised here for a short time,we came to barcelona, a spanish sea-port, remarkable for its silk manufactures. here the ships were all to be watered; andmy master, who spoke different languages, and used often to interpret for the admiral,superintended the watering of ours.

for that purpose he and the officers of theother ships, who were on the same service, had tents pitched in the bay; and the spanishsoldiers were stationed along the shore, i suppose to see that no depredations were committedby our men. i used constantly to attend my master; andi was charmed with this place. all the time we stayed it was like a fairwith the natives, who brought us fruits of all kinds, and sold them to us much cheaperthan i got them in england. they used also to bring wine down to us inhog and sheep skins, which diverted me very much. the spanish officers here treated our officerswith great politeness and attention; and some

of them, in particular, used to come oftento my master's tent to visit him; where they would sometimes divert themselves by mountingme on the horses or mules, so that i could not fall, and setting them off at full gallop;my imperfect skill in horsemanship all the while affording them no small entertainment. after the ships were watered, we returnedto our old station of cruizing off toulon, for the purpose of intercepting a fleet offrench men of war that lay there. one sunday, in our cruise, we came off a placewhere there were two small french frigates lying in shore; and our admiral, thinkingto take or destroy them, sent two ships in after them—the culloden and the conqueror.

they soon came up to the frenchmen; and isaw a smart fight here, both by sea and land: for the frigates were covered by batteries,and they played upon our ships most furiously, which they as furiously returned, and fora long time a constant firing was kept up on all sides at an amazing rate. at last one frigate sunk; but the people escaped,though not without much difficulty: and a little after some of the people left the otherfrigate also, which was a mere wreck. however, our ships did not venture to bringher away, they were so much annoyed from the batteries, which raked them both in goingand coming: their topmasts were shot away, and they were otherwise so much shattered,that the admiral was obliged to send in many

boats to tow them back to the fleet. i afterwards sailed with a man who foughtin one of the french batteries during the engagement, and he told me our ships had doneconsiderable mischief that day on shore and in the batteries. after this we sailed for gibraltar, and arrivedthere about august 1759. here we remained with all our sails unbent,while the fleet was watering and doing other necessary things. while we were in this situation, one day theadmiral, with most of the principal officers, and many people of all stations, being onshore, about seven o'clock in the evening

we were alarmed by signals from the frigatesstationed for that purpose; and in an instant there was a general cry that the french fleetwas out, and just passing through the streights. the admiral immediately came on board withsome other officers; and it is impossible to describe the noise, hurry and confusionthroughout the whole fleet, in bending their sails and slipping their cables; many peopleand ships' boats were left on shore in the bustle. we had two captains on board of our ship whocame away in the hurry and left their ships to follow. we shewed lights from the gun-whale to themain topmast-head; and all our lieutenants

were employed amongst the fleet to tell theships not to wait for their captains, but to put the sails to the yards, slip theircables and follow us; and in this confusion of making ready for fighting we set out forsea in the dark after the french fleet. here i could have exclaimed with ajax, "oh jove! o father! if it be thy willthat we must perish, we thy will obey, but let us perish by the light of day." they had got the start of us so far that wewere not able to come up with them during the night; but at daylight we saw seven sailof the line of battle some miles ahead.

we immediately chased them till about fouro'clock in the evening, when our ships came up with them; and, though we were about fifteenlarge ships, our gallant admiral only fought them with his own division, which consistedof seven; so that we were just ship for ship. we passed by the whole of the enemy's fleetin order to come at their commander, mons. la clue, who was in the ocean, an eighty-fourgun ship: as we passed they all fired on us; and at one time three of them fired together,continuing to do so for some time. notwithstanding which our admiral would notsuffer a gun to be fired at any of them, to my astonishment; but made us lie on our bellieson the deck till we came quite close to the ocean, who was ahead of them all; when wehad orders to pour the whole three tiers into

her at once. the engagement now commenced with great furyon both sides: the ocean immediately returned our fire, and we continued engaged with eachother for some time; during which i was frequently stunned with the thundering of the great guns,whose dreadful contents hurried many of my companions into awful eternity. at last the french line was entirely broken,and we obtained the victory, which was immediately proclaimed with loud huzzas and acclamations. we took three prizes, la modeste, of sixty-fourguns, and le temeraire and centaur, of seventy-four guns each.

the rest of the french ships took to flightwith all the sail they could crowd. our ship being very much damaged, and quitedisabled from pursuing the enemy, the admiral immediately quitted her, and went in the brokenand only boat we had left on board the newark, with which, and some other ships, he wentafter the french. the ocean, and another large french ship,called the redoubtable, endeavouring to escape, ran ashore at cape logas, on the coast ofportugal; and the french admiral and some of the crew got ashore; but we, finding itimpossible to get the ships off, set fire to them both. about midnight i saw the ocean blow up, witha most dreadful explosion.

i never beheld a more awful scene. in less than a minute the midnight for a certainspace seemed turned into day by the blaze, which was attended with a noise louder andmore terrible than thunder, that seemed to rend every element around us. my station during the engagement was on themiddle-deck, where i was quartered with another boy, to bring powder to the aftermost gun;and here i was a witness of the dreadful fate of many of my companions, who, in the twinklingof an eye, were dashed in pieces, and launched into eternity. happily i escaped unhurt, though the shotand splinters flew thick about me during the

whole fight. towards the latter part of it my master waswounded, and i saw him carried down to the surgeon; but though i was much alarmed forhim and wished to assist him i dared not leave my post. at this station my gun-mate (a partner inbringing powder for the same gun) and i ran a very great risk for more than half an hourof blowing up the ship. for, when we had taken the cartridges outof the boxes, the bottoms of many of them proving rotten, the powder ran all about thedeck, near the match tub: we scarcely had water enough at the last to throw on it.

we were also, from our employment, very muchexposed to the enemy's shots; for we had to go through nearly the whole length of theship to bring the powder. i expected therefore every minute to be mylast; especially when i saw our men fall so thick about me; but, wishing to guard as muchagainst the dangers as possible, at first i thought it would be safest not to go forthe powder till the frenchmen had fired their broadside; and then, while they were charging,i could go and come with my powder: but immediately afterwards i thought this caution was fruitless;and, cheering myself with the reflection that there was a time allotted for me to die aswell as to be born, i instantly cast off all fear or thought whatever of death, and wentthrough the whole of my duty with alacrity;

pleasing myself with the hope, if i survivedthe battle, of relating it and the dangers i had escaped to the dear miss guerin, andothers, when i should return to london. our ship suffered very much in this engagement;for, besides the number of our killed and wounded, she was almost torn to pieces, andour rigging so much shattered, that our mizen-mast and main-yard, &c. hung over the side of theship; so that we were obliged to get many carpenters, and others from some of the shipsof the fleet, to assist in setting us in some tolerable order; and, notwithstanding, ittook us some time before we were completely refitted; after which we left admiral broderickto command, and we, with the prizes, steered for england.

on the passage, and as soon as my master wassomething recovered of his wounds, the admiral appointed him captain of the ã†tna fire-ship,on which he and i left the namur, and went on board of her at sea. i liked this little ship very much. i now became the captain's steward, in whichsituation i was very happy: for i was extremely well treated by all on board; and i had leisureto improve myself in reading and writing. the latter i had learned a little of beforei left the namur, as there was a school on board. when we arrived at spithead the ã†tna wentinto portsmouth harbour to refit, which being

done, we returned to spithead and joined alarge fleet that was thought to be intended against the havannah; but about that timethe king died: whether that prevented the expedition i know not; but it caused our shipto be stationed at cowes, in the isle of wight, till the beginning of the year sixty-one. here i spent my time very pleasantly; i wasmuch on shore all about this delightful island, and found the inhabitants very civil. while i was here, i met with a trifling incident,which surprised me agreeably. i was one day in a field belonging to a gentlemanwho had a black boy about my own size; this boy having observed me from his master's house,was transported at the sight of one of his

own countrymen, and ran to meet me with theutmost haste. i not knowing what he was about turned a littleout of his way at first, but to no purpose: he soon came close to me and caught hold ofme in his arms as if i had been his brother, though we had never seen each other before. after we had talked together for some timehe took me to his master's house, where i was treated very kindly. this benevolent boy and i were very happyin frequently seeing each other till about the month of march 1761, when our ship hadorders to fit out again for another expedition. when we got ready, we joined a very largefleet at spithead, commanded by commodore

keppel, which was destined against belle-isle,and with a number of transport ships with troops on board to make a descent on the place. we sailed once more in quest of fame. i longed to engage in new adventures and seefresh wonders. i had a mind on which every thing uncommonmade its full impression, and every event which i considered as marvellous. every extraordinary escape, or signal deliverance,either of myself or others, i looked upon to be effected by the interposition of providence. we had not been above ten days at sea beforean incident of this kind happened; which,

whatever credit it may obtain from the reader,made no small impression on my mind. we had on board a gunner, whose name was johnmondle; a man of very indifferent morals. this man's cabin was between the decks, exactlyover where i lay, abreast of the quarter-deck ladder. one night, the 20th of april, being terrifiedwith a dream, he awoke in so great a fright that he could not rest in his bed any longer,nor even remain in his cabin; and he went upon deck about four o'clock in the morningextremely agitated. he immediately told those on the deck of theagonies of his mind, and the dream which occasioned it; in which he said he had seen many thingsvery awful, and had been warned by st. peter

to repent, who told him time was short. this he said had greatly alarmed him, andhe was determined to alter his life. people generally mock the fears of otherswhen they are themselves in safety; and some of his shipmates who heard him only laughedat him. however, he made a vow that he never woulddrink strong liquors again; and he immediately got a light, and gave away his sea-storesof liquor. after which, his agitation still continuing,he began to read the scriptures, hoping to find some relief; and soon afterwards he laidhimself down again on his bed, and endeavoured to compose himself to sleep, but to no purpose;his mind still continuing in a state of agony.

by this time it was exactly half after sevenin the morning: i was then under the half-deck at the great cabin door; and all at once iheard the people in the waist cry out, most fearfully—'the lord have mercy upon us! we are all lost! the lord have mercy upon us!' mr. mondle hearing the cries, immediatelyran out of his cabin; and we were instantly struck by the lynne, a forty-gun ship, captainclark, which nearly ran us down. this ship had just put about, and was by thewind, but had not got full headway, or we must all have perished; for the wind was brisk.

however, before mr. mondle had got four stepsfrom his cabin-door, she struck our ship with her cutwater right in the middle of his bedand cabin, and ran it up to the combings of the quarter-deck hatchway, and above threefeet below water, and in a minute there was not a bit of wood to be seen where mr. mondle'scabin stood; and he was so near being killed that some of the splinters tore his face. as mr. mondle must inevitably have perishedfrom this accident had he not been alarmed in the very extraordinary way i have related,i could not help regarding this as an awful interposition of providence for his preservation. the two ships for some time swinged alongsideof each other; for ours being a fire-ship,

our grappling-irons caught the lynne everyway, and the yards and rigging went at an astonishing rate. our ship was in such a shocking conditionthat we all thought she would instantly go down, and every one ran for their lives, andgot as well as they could on board the lynne; but our lieutenant being the aggressor, henever quitted the ship. however, when we found she did not sink immediately,the captain came on board again, and encouraged our people to return and try to save her. many on this came back, but some would notventure. some of the ships in the fleet, seeing oursituation, immediately sent their boats to

our assistance; but it took us the whole dayto save the ship with all their help. and by using every possible means, particularlyfrapping her together with many hawsers, and putting a great quantity of tallow below waterwhere she was damaged, she was kept together: but it was well we did not meet with any galesof wind, or we must have gone to pieces; for we were in such a crazy condition that wehad ships to attend us till we arrived at belle-isle, the place of our destination;and then we had all things taken out of the ship, and she was properly repaired. this escape of mr. mondle, which he, as wellas myself, always considered as a singular act of providence, i believe had a great influenceon his life and conduct ever afterwards.

now that i am on this subject i beg leaveto relate another instance or two which strongly raised my belief of the particular interpositionof heaven, and which might not otherwise have found a place here, from their insignificance. i belonged for a few days in the year 1758to the jason, of fifty-four guns, at plymouth; and one night, when i was on board, a woman,with a child at her breast, fell from the upper-deck down into the hold, near the keel. every one thought that the mother and childmust be both dashed to pieces; but, to our great surprise, neither of them was hurt. i myself one day fell headlong from the upper-deckof the ã†tna down the after-hold, when the

ballast was out; and all who saw me fall criedout i was killed: but i received not the least injury. and in the same ship a man fell from the mast-headon the deck without being hurt. in these, and in many more instances, i thoughti could plainly trace the hand of god, without whose permission a sparrow cannot fall. i began to raise my fear from man to him alone,and to call daily on his holy name with fear and reverence: and i trust he heard my supplications,and graciously condescended to answer me according to his holy word, and to implant the seedsof piety in me, even one of the meanest of his creatures.

when we had refitted our ship, and all thingswere in readiness for attacking the place, the troops on board the transports were orderedto disembark; and my master, as a junior captain, had a share in the command of the landing. this was on the 8th of april. the french were drawn up on the shore, andhad made every disposition to oppose the landing of our men, only a small part of them thisday being able to effect it; most of them, after fighting with great bravery, were cutoff; and general crawford, with a number of others, were taken prisoners. in this day's engagement we had also our lieutenantkilled.

on the 21st of april we renewed our effortsto land the men, while all the men of war were stationed along the shore to cover it,and fired at the french batteries and breastworks from early in the morning till about fouro'clock in the evening, when our soldiers effected a safe landing. they immediately attacked the french; and,after a sharp encounter, forced them from the batteries. before the enemy retreated they blew up severalof them, lest they should fall into our hands. our men now proceeded to besiege the citadel,and my master was ordered on shore to superintend the landing of all the materials necessaryfor carrying on the siege; in which service

i mostly attended him. while i was there i went about to differentparts of the island; and one day, particularly, my curiosity almost cost me my life. i wanted very much to see the mode of chargingthe mortars and letting off the shells, and for that purpose i went to an english batterythat was but a very few yards from the walls of the citadel. there, indeed, i had an opportunity of completelygratifying myself in seeing the whole operation, and that not without running a very greatrisk, both from the english shells that burst while i was there, but likewise from thoseof the french.

one of the largest of their shells burstedwithin nine or ten yards of me: there was a single rock close by, about the size ofa butt; and i got instant shelter under it in time to avoid the fury of the shell. where it burst the earth was torn in sucha manner that two or three butts might easily have gone into the hole it made, and it threwgreat quantities of stones and dirt to a considerable distance. three shot were also fired at me and anotherboy who was along with me, one of them in particular seemed "wing'd with red lightning and impetuous rage;"for with a most dreadful sound it hissed close

by me, and struck a rock at a little distance,which it shattered to pieces. when i saw what perilous circumstances i wasin, i attempted to return the nearest way i could find, and thereby i got between theenglish and the french centinels. an english serjeant, who commanded the outposts,seeing me, and surprised how i came there, (which was by stealth along the seashore),reprimanded me very severely for it, and instantly took the centinel off his post into custody,for his negligence in suffering me to pass the lines. while i was in this situation i observed ata little distance a french horse, belonging to some islanders, which i thought i wouldnow mount, for the greater expedition of getting

off. accordingly i took some cord which i had aboutme, and making a kind of bridle of it, i put it round the horse's head, and the tame beastvery quietly suffered me to tie him thus and mount him. as soon as i was on the horse's back i beganto kick and beat him, and try every means to make him go quick, but all to very littlepurpose: i could not drive him out of a slow pace. while i was creeping along, still within reachof the enemy's shot, i met with a servant well mounted on an english horse.

i immediately stopped; and, crying, told himmy case; and begged of him to help me, and this he effectually did; for, having a finelarge whip, he began to lash my horse with it so severely, that he set off full speedwith me towards the sea, while i was quite unable to hold or manage him. in this manner i went along till i came toa craggy precipice. i now could not stop my horse; and my mindwas filled with apprehensions of my deplorable fate should he go down the precipice, whichhe appeared fully disposed to do: i therefore thought i had better throw myself off himat once, which i did immediately with a great deal of dexterity, and fortunately escapedunhurt.

as soon as i found myself at liberty i madethe best of my way for the ship, determined i would not be so fool-hardy again in a hurry. we continued to besiege the citadel till june,when it surrendered. during the siege i have counted above sixtyshells and carcases in the air at once. when this place was taken i went through thecitadel, and in the bomb-proofs under it, which were cut in the solid rock; and i thoughtit a surprising place, both for strength and building: notwithstanding which our shotsand shells had made amazing devastation, and ruinous heaps all around it. after the taking of this island our ships,with some others commanded by commodore stanhope

in the swiftsure, went to basse-road, wherewe blocked up a french fleet. our ships were there from june till februaryfollowing; and in that time i saw a great many scenes of war, and stratagems on bothsides to destroy each others fleet. sometimes we would attack the french withsome ships of the line; at other times with boats; and frequently we made prizes. once or twice the french attacked us by throwingshells with their bomb-vessels: and one day as a french vessel was throwing shells atour ships she broke from her springs, behind the isle of i de re: the tide being complicated,she came within a gun shot of the nassau; but the nassau could not bring a gun to bearupon her, and thereby the frenchman got off.

we were twice attacked by their fire-floats,which they chained together, and then let them float down with the tide; but each timewe sent boats with graplings, and towed them safe out of the fleet. we had different commanders while we wereat this place, commodores stanhope, dennis, lord howe, &c. from hence, before the spanish war began,our ship and the wasp sloop were sent to st. sebastian in spain, by commodore stanhope;and commodore dennis afterwards sent our ship as a cartel to bayonne in france[m], afterwhich[n] we went in february in 1762 to belle-isle, and there stayed till the summer, when weleft it, and returned to portsmouth.

after our ship was fitted out again for service,in september she went to guernsey, where i was very glad to see my old hostess, who wasnow a widow, and my former little charming companion, her daughter. i spent some time here very happily with them,till october, when we had orders to repair to portsmouth. we parted from each other with a great dealof affection; and i promised to return soon, and see them again, not knowing what all-powerfulfate had determined for me. our ship having arrived at portsmouth, wewent into the harbour, and remained there till the latter end of november, when we heardgreat talk about peace; and, to our very great

joy, in the beginning of december we had ordersto go up to london with our ship to be paid we received this news with loud huzzas, andevery other demonstration of gladness; and nothing but mirth was to be seen throughoutevery part of the ship. i too was not without my share of the generaljoy on this occasion. i thought now of nothing but being freed,and working for myself, and thereby getting money to enable me to get a good education;for i always had a great desire to be able at least to read and write; and while i wason shipboard i had endeavoured to improve myself in both. while i was in the ã†tna particularly, thecaptain's clerk taught me to write, and gave

me a smattering of arithmetic as far as therule of three. there was also one daniel queen, about fortyyears of age, a man very well educated, who messed with me on board this ship, and helikewise dressed and attended the captain. fortunately this man soon became very muchattached to me, and took very great pains to instruct me in many things. he taught me to shave and dress hair a little,and also to read in the bible, explaining many passages to me, which i did not comprehend. i was wonderfully surprised to see the lawsand rules of my country written almost exactly here; a circumstance which i believe tendedto impress our manners and customs more deeply

on my memory. i used to tell him of this resemblance; andmany a time we have sat up the whole night together at this employment. in short, he was like a father to me; andsome even used to call me after his name; they also styled me the black christian. indeed i almost loved him with the affectionof a son. many things i have denied myself that he mighthave them; and when i used to play at marbles or any other game, and won a few half-pence,or got any little money, which i sometimes did, for shaving any one, i used to buy hima little sugar or tobacco, as far as my stock

of money would go. he used to say, that he and i never shouldpart; and that when our ship was paid off, as i was as free as himself or any other manon board, he would instruct me in his business, by which i might gain a good livelihood. this gave me new life and spirits; and myheart burned within me, while i thought the time long till i obtained my freedom. for though my master had not promised it tome, yet, besides the assurances i had received that he had no right to detain me, he alwaystreated me with the greatest kindness, and reposed in me an unbounded confidence; heeven paid attention to my morals; and would

never suffer me to deceive him, or tell lies,of which he used to tell me the consequences; and that if i did so god would not love me;so that, from all this tenderness, i had never once supposed, in all my dreams of freedom,that he would think of detaining me any longer than i wished. in pursuance of our orders we sailed fromportsmouth for the thames, and arrived at deptford the 10th of december, where we castanchor just as it was high water. the ship was up about half an hour, when mymaster ordered the barge to be manned; and all in an instant, without having before givenme the least reason to suspect any thing of the matter, he forced me into the barge; saying,i was going to leave him, but he would take

care i should not. i was so struck with the unexpectedness ofthis proceeding, that for some time i did not make a reply, only i made an offer togo for my books and chest of clothes, but he swore i should not move out of his sight;and if i did he would cut my throat, at the same time taking his hanger. i began, however, to collect myself; and,plucking up courage, i told him i was free, and he could not by law serve me so. but this only enraged him the more; and hecontinued to swear, and said he would soon let me know whether he would or not, and atthat instant sprung himself into the barge

from the ship, to the astonishment and sorrowof all on board. the tide, rather unluckily for me, had justturned downward, so that we quickly fell down the river along with it, till we came amongsome outward-bound west indiamen; for he was resolved to put me on board the first vesselhe could get to receive me. the boat's crew, who pulled against theirwill, became quite faint different times, and would have gone ashore; but he would notlet them. some of them strove then to cheer me, andtold me he could not sell me, and that they would stand by me, which revived me a little;and i still entertained hopes; for as they pulled along he asked some vessels to receiveme, but they could not.

but, just as we had got a little below gravesend,we came alongside of a ship which was going away the next tide for the west indies; hername was the charming sally, captain james doran; and my master went on board and agreedwith him for me; and in a little time i was sent for into the cabin. when i came there captain doran asked me ifi knew him; i answered that i did not; 'then,' said he 'you are now my slave.' i told him my master could not sell me tohim, nor to any one else. 'why,' said he,'did not your master buy you?' i confessed he did.

'but i have served him,' said i,'many years,and he has taken all my wages and prize-money, for i only got one sixpence during the war;besides this i have been baptized; and by the laws of the land no man has a right tosell me:' and i added, that i had heard a lawyer and others at different times tellmy master so. they both then said that those people whotold me so were not my friends; but i replied—it was very extraordinary that other people didnot know the law as well as they. upon this captain doran said i talked toomuch english; and if i did not behave myself well, and be quiet, he had a method on boardto make me. i was too well convinced of his power overme to doubt what he said; and my former sufferings

in the slave-ship presenting themselves tomy mind, the recollection of them made me shudder. however, before i retired i told them thatas i could not get any right among men here i hoped i should hereafter in heaven; andi immediately left the cabin, filled with resentment and sorrow. the only coat i had with me my master tookaway with him, and said if my prize-money had been 10,000 â£. he had a right to it all,and would have taken it. i had about nine guineas, which, during mylong sea-faring life, i had scraped together from trifling perquisites and little ventures;and i hid it that instant, lest my master

should take that from me likewise, still hopingthat by some means or other i should make my escape to the shore; and indeed some ofmy old shipmates told me not to despair, for they would get me back again; and that, assoon as they could get their pay, they would immediately come to portsmouth to me, wherethis ship was going: but, alas! all my hopes were baffled, and the hour of my deliverancewas yet far off. my master, having soon concluded his bargainwith the captain, came out of the cabin, and he and his people got into the boat and putoff; i followed them with aching eyes as long as i could, and when they were out of sighti threw myself on the deck, while my heart was ready to burst with sorrow and anguish.

v. the author's reflections on his situation—isdeceived by a promise of being delivered—his despair at sailing for the west indies—arrivesat montserrat, where he is sold to mr. king—various interesting instances of oppression, cruelty,and extortion, which the author saw practised upon the slaves in the west indies duringhis captivity from the year 1763 to 1766—address on it to the planters. thus, at the moment i expected all my toilsto end, was i plunged, as i supposed, in a new slavery; in comparison of which all myservice hitherto had been 'perfect freedom;' and whose horrors, always present to my mind,now rushed on it with tenfold aggravation.

i wept very bitterly for some time: and beganto think that i must have done something to displease the lord, that he thus punishedme so severely. this filled me with painful reflections onmy past conduct; i recollected that on the morning of our arrival at deptford i had rashlysworn that as soon as we reached london i would spend the day in rambling and sport. my conscience smote me for this unguardedexpression: i felt that the lord was able to disappoint me in all things, and immediatelyconsidered my present situation as a judgment of heaven on account of my presumption inswearing: i therefore, with contrition of heart, acknowledged my transgression to god,and poured out my soul before him with unfeigned

repentance, and with earnest supplicationsi besought him not to abandon me in my distress, nor cast me from his mercy for ever. in a little time my grief, spent with itsown violence, began to subside; and after the first confusion of my thoughts was overi reflected with more calmness on my present condition: i considered that trials and disappointmentsare sometimes for our good, and i thought god might perhaps have permitted this in orderto teach me wisdom and resignation; for he had hitherto shadowed me with the wings ofhis mercy, and by his invisible but powerful hand brought me the way i knew not. these reflections gave me a little comfort,and i rose at last from the deck with dejection

and sorrow in my countenance, yet mixed withsome faint hope that the lord would appear for my deliverance. soon afterwards, as my new master was goingashore, he called me to him, and told me to behave myself well, and do the business ofthe ship the same as any of the rest of the boys, and that i should fare the better forit; but i made him no answer. i was then asked if i could swim, and i said,no. however i was made to go under the deck, andwas well watched. the next tide the ship got under way, andsoon after arrived at the mother bank, portsmouth; where she waited a few days for some of thewest india convoy.

while i was here i tried every means i coulddevise amongst the people of the ship to get me a boat from the shore, as there was nonesuffered to come alongside of the ship; and their own, whenever it was used, was hoistedin again immediately. a sailor on board took a guinea from me onpretence of getting me a boat; and promised me, time after time, that it was hourly tocome off. when he had the watch upon deck i watchedalso; and looked long enough, but all in vain; i could never see either the boat or my guineaagain. and what i thought was still the worst ofall, the fellow gave information, as i afterwards found, all the while to the mates, of my intentionto go off, if i could in any way do it; but,

rogue like, he never told them he had gota guinea from me to procure my escape. however, after we had sailed, and his trickwas made known to the ship's crew, i had some satisfaction in seeing him detested and despisedby them all for his behaviour to me. i was still in hopes that my old shipmateswould not forget their promise to come for me to portsmouth: and, indeed, at last, butnot till the day before we sailed, some of them did come there, and sent me off someoranges, and other tokens of their regard. they also sent me word they would come offto me themselves the next day or the day after; and a lady also, who lived in gosport, wroteto me that she would come and take me out of the ship at the same time.

this lady had been once very intimate withmy former master: i used to sell and take care of a great deal of property for her,in different ships; and in return she always shewed great friendship for me, and used totell my master that she would take me away to live with her: but, unfortunately for me,a disagreement soon afterwards took place between them; and she was succeeded in mymaster's good graces by another lady, who appeared sole mistress of the ã†tna, and mostlylodged on board. i was not so great a favourite with this ladyas with the former; she had conceived a pique against me on some occasion when she was onboard, and she did not fail to instigate my master to treat me in the manner he did[o].

however, the next morning, the 30th of december,the wind being brisk and easterly, the oeolus frigate, which was to escort the convoy, madea signal for sailing. all the ships then got up their anchors; and,before any of my friends had an opportunity to come off to my relief, to my inexpressibleanguish our ship had got under way. what tumultuous emotions agitated my soulwhen the convoy got under sail, and i a prisoner on board, now without hope! i kept my swimming eyes upon the land in astate of unutterable grief; not knowing what to do, and despairing how to help myself. while my mind was in this situation the fleetsailed on, and in one day's time i lost sight

of the wished-for land. in the first expressions of my grief i reproachedmy fate, and wished i had never been born. i was ready to curse the tide that bore us,the gale that wafted my prison, and even the ship that conducted us; and i called on deathto relieve me from the horrors i felt and dreaded, that i might be in that place "where slaves are free, and men oppress nomore. fool that i was, inur'd so long to pain,to trust to hope, or dream of joy again. * * * * * * * * * *now dragg'd once more beyond the western main, to groan beneath some dastard planter's chain;where my poor countrymen in bondage wait

the long enfranchisement of ling'ring fate:hard ling'ring fate! while, ere the dawn of day,rous'd by the lash they go their cheerless way;and as their souls with shame and anguish burn,salute with groans unwelcome morn's return, and, chiding ev'ry hour the slow-pac'd sun,pursue their toils till all his race is run. no eye to mark their suff'rings with a tear;no friend to comfort, and no hope to cheer: then, like the dull unpity'd brutes, repairto stalls as wretched, and as coarse a fare; thank heaven one day of mis'ry was o'er,then sink to sleep, and wish to wake no more[p]." the turbulence of my emotions however naturallygave way to calmer thoughts, and i soon perceived

what fate had decreed no mortal on earth couldprevent. the convoy sailed on without any accident,with a pleasant gale and smooth sea, for six weeks, till february, when one morning theoeolus ran down a brig, one of the convoy, and she instantly went down and was ingulfedin the dark recesses of the ocean. the convoy was immediately thrown into greatconfusion till it was daylight; and the oeolus was illumined with lights to prevent any farthermischief. on the 13th of february 1763, from the mast-head,we descried our destined island montserrat; and soon after i beheld those "regions of sorrow, doleful shades, wherepeace

and rest can rarely dwell. hope never comesthat comes to all, but torture without end still urges." at the sight of this land of bondage, a freshhorror ran through all my frame, and chilled me to the heart. my former slavery now rose in dreadful reviewto my mind, and displayed nothing but misery, stripes, and chains; and, in the first paroxysmof my grief, i called upon god's thunder, and his avenging power, to direct the strokeof death to me, rather than permit me to become a slave, and be sold from lord to lord.

in this state of my mind our ship came toan anchor, and soon after discharged her cargo. i now knew what it was to work hard; i wasmade to help to unload and load the ship. and, to comfort me in my distress in thattime, two of the sailors robbed me of all my money, and ran away from the ship. i had been so long used to an european climatethat at first i felt the scorching west india sun very painful, while the dashing surf wouldtoss the boat and the people in it frequently above high water mark. sometimes our limbs were broken with this,or even attended with instant death, and i was day by day mangled and torn.

about the middle of may, when the ship wasgot ready to sail for england, i all the time believing that fate's blackest clouds weregathering over my head, and expecting their bursting would mix me with the dead, captaindoran sent for me ashore one morning, and i was told by the messenger that my fate wasthen determined. with fluttering steps and trembling hearti came to the captain, and found with him one mr. robert king, a quaker, and the firstmerchant in the place. the captain then told me my former masterhad sent me there to be sold; but that he had desired him to get me the best masterhe could, as he told him i was a very deserving boy, which captain doran said he found tobe true; and if he were to stay in the west

indies he would be glad to keep me himself;but he could not venture to take me to london, for he was very sure that when i came therei would leave him. i at that instant burst out a crying, andbegged much of him to take me to england with him, but all to no purpose. he told me he had got me the very best masterin the whole island, with whom i should be as happy as if i were in england, and forthat reason he chose to let him have me, though he could sell me to his own brother-in-lawfor a great deal more money than what he got from this gentleman. mr. king, my new master, then made a reply,and said the reason he had bought me was on

account of my good character; and, as he hadnot the least doubt of my good behaviour, i should be very well off with him. he also told me he did not live in the westindies, but at philadelphia, where he was going soon; and, as i understood somethingof the rules of arithmetic, when we got there he would put me to school, and fit me fora clerk. this conversation relieved my mind a little,and i left those gentlemen considerably more at ease in myself than when i came to them;and i was very grateful to captain doran, and even to my old master, for the characterthey had given me; a character which i afterwards found of infinite service to me.

i went on board again, and took leave of allmy shipmates; and the next day the ship sailed. when she weighed anchor i went to the watersideand looked at her with a very wishful and aching heart, and followed her with my eyesand tears until she was totally out of sight. i was so bowed down with grief that i couldnot hold up my head for many months; and if my new master had not been kind to me i believei should have died under it at last. and indeed i soon found that he fully deservedthe good character which captain doran had given me of him; for he possessed a most amiabledisposition and temper, and was very charitable and humane. if any of his slaves behaved amiss he didnot beat or use them ill, but parted with

this made them afraid of disobliging him;and as he treated his slaves better than any other man on the island, so he was betterand more faithfully served by them in return. by his kind treatment i did at last endeavourto compose myself; and with fortitude, though moneyless, determined to face whatever fatehad decreed for me. mr. king soon asked me what i could do; andat the same time said he did not mean to treat me as a common slave. i told him i knew something of seamanship,and could shave and dress hair pretty well; and i could refine wines, which i had learnedon shipboard, where i had often done it; and that i could write, and understood arithmetictolerably well as far as the rule of three.

he then asked me if i knew any thing of gauging;and, on my answering that i did not, he said one of his clerks should teach me to gauge. mr. king dealt in all manner of merchandize,and kept from one to six clerks. he loaded many vessels in a year; particularlyto philadelphia, where he was born, and was connected with a great mercantile house inthat city. he had besides many vessels and droggers,of different sizes, which used to go about the island; and others to collect rum, sugar,and other goods. i understood pulling and managing those boatsvery well; and this hard work, which was the first that he set me to, in the sugar seasonsused to be my constant employment.

i have rowed the boat, and slaved at the oars,from one hour to sixteen in the twenty-four; during which i had fifteen pence sterlingper day to live on, though sometimes only ten pence. however this was considerably more than wasallowed to other slaves that used to work with me, and belonged to other gentlemen onthe island: those poor souls had never more than nine pence per day, and seldom more thansix pence, from their masters or owners, though they earned them three or four pisterines[q]:for it is a common practice in the west indies for men to purchase slaves though they havenot plantations themselves, in order to let them out to planters and merchants at so mucha piece by the day, and they give what allowance

they chuse out of this produce of their dailywork to their slaves for subsistence; this allowance is often very scanty. my master often gave the owners of these slavestwo and a half of these pieces per day, and found the poor fellows in victuals himself,because he thought their owners did not feed them well enough according to the work theydid. the slaves used to like this very well; and,as they knew my master to be a man of feeling, they were always glad to work for him in preferenceto any other gentleman; some of whom, after they had been paid for these poor people'slabours, would not give them their allowance out of it.

many times have i even seen these unfortunatewretches beaten for asking for their pay; and often severely flogged by their ownersif they did not bring them their daily or weekly money exactly to the time; though thepoor creatures were obliged to wait on the gentlemen they had worked for sometimes formore than half the day before they could get their pay; and this generally on sundays,when they wanted the time for themselves. in particular, i knew a countryman of minewho once did not bring the weekly money directly that it was earned; and though he broughtit the same day to his master, yet he was staked to the ground for this pretended negligence,and was just going to receive a hundred lashes, but for a gentleman who begged him off fifty.

this poor man was very industrious; and, byhis frugality, had saved so much money by working on shipboard, that he had got a whiteman to buy him a boat, unknown to his master. some time after he had this little estatethe governor wanted a boat to bring his sugar from different parts of the island; and, knowingthis to be a negro-man's boat, he seized upon it for himself, and would not pay the ownera farthing. the man on this went to his master, and complainedto him of this act of the governor; but the only satisfaction he received was to be damnedvery heartily by his master, who asked him how dared any of his negroes to have a boat. if the justly-merited ruin of the governor'sfortune could be any gratification to the

poor man he had thus robbed, he was not withoutconsolation. extortion and rapine are poor providers; andsome time after this the governor died in the king's bench in england, as i was told,in great poverty. the last war favoured this poor negro-man,and he found some means to escape from his christian master: he came to england; wherei saw him afterwards several times. such treatment as this often drives thesemiserable wretches to despair, and they run away from their masters at the hazard of theirlives. many of them, in this place, unable to gettheir pay when they have earned it, and fearing to be flogged, as usual, if they return homewithout it, run away where they can for shelter,

and a reward is often offered to bring themin dead or alive. my master used sometimes, in these cases,to agree with their owners, and to settle with them himself; and thereby he saved manyof them a flogging. once, for a few days, i was let out to fita vessel, and i had no victuals allowed me by either party; at last i told my masterof this treatment, and he took me away from it. in many of the estates, on the different islandswhere i used to be sent for rum or sugar, they would not deliver it to me, or any othernegro; he was therefore obliged to send a white man along with me to those places; andthen he used to pay him from six to ten pisterines

a day. from being thus employed, during the timei served mr. king, in going about the different estates on the island, i had all the opportunityi could wish for to see the dreadful usage of the poor men; usage that reconciled meto my situation, and made me bless god for the hands into which i had fallen. i had the good fortune to please my masterin every department in which he employed me; and there was scarcely any part of his business,or household affairs, in which i was not occasionally engaged. i often supplied the place of a clerk, inreceiving and delivering cargoes to the ships,

in tending stores, and delivering goods: and,besides this, i used to shave and dress my master when convenient, and take care of hishorse; and when it was necessary, which was very often, i worked likewise on board ofdifferent vessels of his. by these means i became very useful to mymaster; and saved him, as he used to acknowledge, above a hundred pounds a year. nor did he scruple to say i was of more advantageto him than any of his clerks; though their usual wages in the west indies are from sixtyto a hundred pounds current a year. i have sometimes heard it asserted that anegro cannot earn his master the first cost; but nothing can be further from the truth.

i suppose nine tenths of the mechanics throughoutthe west indies are negro slaves; and i well know the coopers among them earn two dollarsa day; the carpenters the same, and oftentimes more; as also the masons, smiths, and fishermen,&c. and i have known many slaves whose masters would not take a thousand pounds current forthem. but surely this assertion refutes itself;for, if it be true, why do the planters and merchants pay such a price for slaves? and, above all, why do those who make thisassertion exclaim the most loudly against the abolition of the slave trade? so much are men blinded, and to such inconsistentarguments are they driven by mistaken interest!

i grant, indeed, that slaves are some times,by half-feeding, half-clothing, over-working and stripes, reduced so low, that they areturned out as unfit for service, and left to perish in the woods, or expire on a dunghill. my master was several times offered by differentgentlemen one hundred guineas for me; but he always told them he would not sell me,to my great joy: and i used to double my diligence and care for fear of getting into the handsof those men who did not allow a valuable slave the common support of life. many of them even used to find fault withmy master for feeding his slaves so well as he did; although i often went hungry, andan englishman might think my fare very indifferent;

but he used to tell them he always would doit, because the slaves thereby looked better and did more work. while i was thus employed by my master i wasoften a witness to cruelties of every kind, which were exercised on my unhappy fellowslaves. i used frequently to have different cargoesof new negroes in my care for sale; and it was almost a constant practice with our clerks,and other whites, to commit violent depredations on the chastity of the female slaves; andthese i was, though with reluctance, obliged to submit to at all times, being unable tohelp them. when we have had some of these slaves on boardmy master's vessels to carry them to other

islands, or to america, i have known our matesto commit these acts most shamefully, to the disgrace, not of christians only, but of men. i have even known them gratify their brutalpassion with females not ten years old; and these abominations some of them practisedto such scandalous excess, that one of our captains discharged the mate and others onthat account. and yet in montserrat i have seen a negroman staked to the ground, and cut most shockingly, and then his ears cut off bit by bit, becausehe had been connected with a white woman who was a common prostitute: as if it were nocrime in the whites to rob an innocent african girl of her virtue; but most heinous in ablack man only to gratify a passion of nature,

where the temptation was offered by one ofa different colour, though the most abandoned woman of her species. another negro man was half hanged, and thenburnt, for attempting to poison a cruel overseer. thus by repeated cruelties are the wretchedfirst urged to despair, and then murdered, because they still retain so much of humannature about them as to wish to put an end to their misery, and retaliate on their tyrants! these overseers are indeed for the most partpersons of the worst character of any denomination of men in the west indies. unfortunately, many humane gentlemen, by notresiding on their estates, are obliged to

leave the management of them in the handsof these human butchers, who cut and mangle the slaves in a shocking manner on the mosttrifling occasions, and altogether treat them in every respect like brutes. they pay no regard to the situation of pregnantwomen, nor the least attention to the lodging of the field negroes. their huts, which ought to be well covered,and the place dry where they take their little repose, are often open sheds, built in dampplaces; so that, when the poor creatures return tired from the toils of the field, they contractmany disorders, from being exposed to the damp air in this uncomfortable state, whilethey are heated, and their pores are open.

this neglect certainly conspires with manyothers to cause a decrease in the births as well as in the lives of the grown negroes. i can quote many instances of gentlemen whoreside on their estates in the west indies, and then the scene is quite changed; the negroesare treated with lenity and proper care, by which their lives are prolonged, and theirmasters are profited. to the honour of humanity, i knew severalgentlemen who managed their estates in this manner; and they found that benevolence wastheir true interest. and, among many i could mention in severalof the islands, i knew one in montserrat[r] whose slaves looked remarkably well, and neverneeded any fresh supplies of negroes; and

there are many other estates, especially inbarbadoes, which, from such judicious treatment, need no fresh stock of negroes at any time. i have the honour of knowing a most worthyand humane gentleman, who is a native of barbadoes, and has estates there[s]. this gentleman has written a treatise on theusage of his own slaves. he allows them two hours for refreshment atmid-day; and many other indulgencies and comforts, particularly in their lying; and, besidesthis, he raises more provisions on his estate than they can destroy; so that by these attentionshe saves the lives of his negroes, and keeps them healthy, and as happy as the conditionof slavery can admit.

i myself, as shall appear in the sequel, managedan estate, where, by those attentions, the negroes were uncommonly cheerful and healthy,and did more work by half than by the common mode of treatment they usually do. for want, therefore, of such care and attentionto the poor negroes, and otherwise oppressed as they are, it is no wonder that the decreaseshould require 20,000 new negroes annually to fill up the vacant places of the dead. even in barbadoes, notwithstanding those humaneexceptions which i have mentioned, and others i am acquainted with, which justly make itquoted as a place where slaves meet with the best treatment, and need fewest recruits ofany in the west indies, yet this island requires

1000 negroes annually to keep up the originalstock, which is only 80,000. so that the whole term of a negro's life maybe said to be there but sixteen years![t] and yet the climate hereis in every respect the same as that from which they are taken, except in being morewholesome. do the british colonies decrease in this manner? and yet what a prodigious difference is therebetween an english and west india climate? while i was in montserrat i knew a negro man,named emanuel sankey, who endeavoured to escape from his miserable bondage, by concealinghimself on board of a london ship: but fate did not favour the poor oppressed man; for,being discovered when the vessel was under

sail, he was delivered up again to his master. this christian master immediately pinned thewretch down to the ground at each wrist and ancle, and then took some sticks of sealingwax, and lighted them, and droped it all over his back. there was another master who was noted forcruelty; and i believe he had not a slave but what had been cut, and had pieces fairlytaken out of the flesh: and, after they had been punished thus, he used to make them getinto a long wooden box or case he had for that purpose, in which he shut them up duringpleasure. it was just about the height and breadth ofa man; and the poor wretches had no room,

when in the case, to move. it was very common in several of the islands,particularly in st. kitt's, for the slaves to be branded with the initial letters oftheir master's name; and a load of heavy iron hooks hung about their necks. indeed on the most trifling occasions theywere loaded with chains; and often instruments of torture were added. the iron muzzle, thumb-screws, &c. are sowell known, as not to need a description, and were sometimes applied for the slightestfaults. i have seen a negro beaten till some of hisbones were broken, for even letting a pot

boil over. is it surprising that usage like this shoulddrive the poor creatures to despair, and make them seek a refuge in death from those evilswhich render their lives intolerable—while, "with shudd'ring horror pale, and eyes aghast,they view their lamentable lot, and find no rest!" this they frequently do. a negro-man on board a vessel of my master,while i belonged to her, having been put in irons for some trifling misdemeanor, and keptin that state for some days, being weary of life, took an opportunity of jumping overboardinto the sea; however, he was picked up without

being drowned. another, whose life was also a burden to him,resolved to starve himself to death, and refused to eat any victuals; this procured him a severeflogging: and he also, on the first occasion which offered, jumped overboard at charlestown, but was saved. nor is there any greater regard shewn to thelittle property than there is to the persons and lives of the negroes. i have already related an instance or twoof particular oppression out of many which i have witnessed; but the following is frequentin all the islands. the wretched field-slaves, after toiling allthe day for an unfeeling owner, who gives

them but little victuals, steal sometimesa few moments from rest or refreshment to gather some small portion of grass, accordingas their time will admit. this they commonly tie up in a parcel; (eithera bit, worth six pence; or half a bit's-worth) and bring it to town, or to the market, tosell. nothing is more common than for the whitepeople on this occasion to take the grass from them without paying for it; and not onlyso, but too often also, to my knowledge, our clerks, and many others, at the same timehave committed acts of violence on the poor, wretched, and helpless females; whom i haveseen for hours stand crying to no purpose, and get no redress or pay of any kind.

is not this one common and crying sin enoughto bring down god's judgment on the islands? he tells us the oppressor and the oppressedare both in his hands; and if these are not the poor, the broken-hearted, the blind, thecaptive, the bruised, which our saviour speaks of, who are they? one of these depredators once, in st. eustatia,came on board of our vessel, and bought some fowls and pigs of me; and a whole day afterhis departure with the things he returned again and wanted his money back: i refusedto give it; and, not seeing my captain on board, he began the common pranks with me;and swore he would even break open my chest and take my money.

i therefore expected, as my captain was absent,that he would be as good as his word: and he was just proceeding to strike me, whenfortunately a british seaman on board, whose heart had not been debauched by a west indiaclimate, interposed and prevented him. but had the cruel man struck me i certainlyshould have defended myself at the hazard of my life; for what is life to a man thusoppressed? he went away, however, swearing; and threatenedthat whenever he caught me on shore he would shoot me, and pay for me afterwards. the small account in which the life of a negrois held in the west indies is so universally known, that it might seem impertinent to quotethe following extract, if some people had

not been hardy enough of late to assert thatnegroes are on the same footing in that respect as europeans. by the 329th act, page 125, of the assemblyof barbadoes, it is enacted 'that if any negro, or other slave, under punishment by his master,or his order, for running away, or any other crime or misdemeanor towards his said master,unfortunately shall suffer in life or member, no person whatsoever shall be liable to afine; but if any man shall out of wantonness, or only of bloody-mindedness, or cruel intention,wilfully kill a negro, or other slave, of his own, he shall pay into the public treasuryfifteen pounds sterling.' and it is the same in most, if not all, ofthe west india islands.

is not this one of the many acts of the islandswhich call loudly for redress? and do not the assembly which enacted it deservethe appellation of savages and brutes rather than of christians and men? it is an act at once unmerciful, unjust, andunwise; which for cruelty would disgrace an assembly of those who are called barbarians;and for its injustice and insanity would shock the morality and common sense of a samaideor a hottentot. shocking as this and many more acts of thebloody west india code at first view appear, how is the iniquity of it heightened whenwe consider to whom it may be extended! mr. james tobin, a zealous labourer in thevineyard of slavery, gives an account of a

french planter of his acquaintance, in theisland of martinico, who shewed him many mulattoes working in the fields like beasts of burden;and he told mr. tobin these were all the produce of his own loins! and i myself have known similar instances. pray, reader, are these sons and daughtersof the french planter less his children by being begotten on a black woman? and what must be the virtue of those legislators,and the feelings of those fathers, who estimate the lives of their sons, however begotten,at no more than fifteen pounds; though they should be murdered, as the act says, out ofwantonness and bloody-mindedness!

but is not the slave trade entirely a warwith the heart of man? and surely that which is begun by breakingdown the barriers of virtue involves in its continuance destruction to every principle,and buries all sentiments in ruin! i have often seen slaves, particularly thosewho were meagre, in different islands, put into scales and weighed; and then sold fromthree pence to six pence or nine pence a pound. my master, however, whose humanity was shockedat this mode, used to sell such by the lump. and at or after a sale it was not uncommonto see negroes taken from their wives, wives taken from their husbands, and children fromtheir parents, and sent off to other islands, and wherever else their merciless lords chose;and probably never more during life to see

each other! oftentimes my heart has bled at these partings;when the friends of the departed have been at the water side, and, with sighs and tears,have kept their eyes fixed on the vessel till it went out of sight. a poor creole negro i knew well, who, afterhaving been often thus transported from island to island, at last resided in montserrat. this man used to tell me many melancholy talesof himself. generally, after he had done working for hismaster, he used to employ his few leisure moments to go a fishing.

when he had caught any fish, his master wouldfrequently take them from him without paying him; and at other times some other white peoplewould serve him in the same manner. one day he said to me, very movingly, 'sometimeswhen a white man take away my fish i go to my maser, and he get me my right; and whenmy maser by strength take away my fishes, what me must do? i can't go to any body to be righted; then'said the poor man, looking up above 'i must look up to god mighty in the top for right.' this artless tale moved me much, and i couldnot help feeling the just cause moses had in redressing his brother against the egyptian.

i exhorted the man to look up still to thegod on the top, since there was no redress below. though i little thought then that i myselfshould more than once experience such imposition, and read the same exhortation hereafter, inmy own transactions in the islands; and that even this poor man and i should some timeafter suffer together in the same manner, as shall be related hereafter. nor was such usage as this confined to particularplaces or individuals; for, in all the different islands in which i have been (and i have visitedno less than fifteen) the treatment of the slaves was nearly the same; so nearly indeed,that the history of an island, or even a plantation,

with a few such exceptions as i have mentioned,might serve for a history of the whole. such a tendency has the slave-trade to debauchmen's minds, and harden them to every feeling of humanity! for i will not suppose that the dealers inslaves are born worse than other men—no; it is the fatality of this mistaken avarice,that it corrupts the milk of human kindness and turns it into gall. and, had the pursuits of those men been different,they might have been as generous, as tender-hearted and just, as they are unfeeling, rapaciousand cruel. surely this traffic cannot be good, whichspreads like a pestilence, and taints what

it touches! which violates that first naturalright of mankind, equality and independency, and gives one man a dominion over his fellowswhich god could never intend! for it raises the owner to a state as farabove man as it depresses the slave below it; and, with all the presumption of humanpride, sets a distinction between them, immeasurable in extent, and endless in duration! yet how mistaken is the avarice even of theplanters? are slaves more useful by being thus humbledto the condition of brutes, than they would be if suffered to enjoy the privileges ofmen? the freedom which diffuses health and prosperitythroughout britain answers you—no.

when you make men slaves you deprive themof half their virtue, you set them in your own conduct an example of fraud, rapine, andcruelty, and compel them to live with you in a state of war; and yet you complain thatthey are not honest or faithful! you stupify them with stripes, and think itnecessary to keep them in a state of ignorance; and yet you assert that they are incapableof learning; that their minds are such a barren soil or moor, that culture would be lost onthem; and that they come from a climate, where nature, though prodigal of her bounties ina degree unknown to yourselves, has left man alone scant and unfinished, and incapableof enjoying the treasures she has poured out for him!—an assertion at once impious andabsurd.

why do you use those instruments of torture? are they fit to be applied by one rationalbeing to another? and are ye not struck with shame and mortification,to see the partakers of your nature reduced so low? but, above all, are there no dangers attendingthis mode of treatment? are you not hourly in dread of an insurrection? nor would it be surprising: for when "—no peace is givento us enslav'd, but custody severe; and stripes and arbitrary punishmentinflicted—what peace can we return?

but to our power, hostility and hate;untam'd reluctance, and revenge, though slow, yet ever plotting how the conqueror leastmay reap his conquest, and may least rejoice in doing what we most in suffering feel." but by changing your conduct, and treatingyour slaves as men, every cause of fear would be banished. they would be faithful, honest, intelligentand vigorous; and peace, prosperity, and happiness, would attend you. vi. some account of brimstone-hill in montserrat—favourablechange in the author's situation—he commences

merchant with three pence—his various successin dealing in the different islands, and america, and the impositions he meets with in his transactionswith europeans—a curious imposition on human nature—danger of the surfs in the west indies—remarkableinstance of kidnapping a free mulatto—the author is nearly murdered by doctor perkinsin savannah. in the preceding chapter i have set beforethe reader a few of those many instances of oppression, extortion, and cruelty, whichi have been a witness to in the west indies: but, were i to enumerate them all, the cataloguewould be tedious and disgusting. the punishments of the slaves on every triflingoccasion are so frequent, and so well known, together with the different instruments withwhich they are tortured, that it cannot any

longer afford novelty to recite them; andthey are too shocking to yield delight either to the writer or the reader. i shall therefore hereafter only mention suchas incidentally befel myself in the course of my adventures. in the variety of departments in which i wasemployed by my master, i had an opportunity of seeing many curious scenes in differentislands; but, above all, i was struck with a celebrated curiosity called brimstone-hill,which is a high and steep mountain, some few miles from the town of plymouth in montserrat. i had often heard of some wonders that wereto be seen on this hill, and i went once with

some white and black people to visit it. when we arrived at the top, i saw under differentcliffs great flakes of brimstone, occasioned by the steams of various little ponds, whichwere then boiling naturally in the earth. some of these ponds were as white as milk,some quite blue, and many others of different colours. i had taken some potatoes with me, and i putthem into different ponds, and in a few minutes they were well boiled. i tasted some of them, but they were verysulphurous; and the silver shoe buckles, and all the other things of that metal we hadamong us, were, in a little time, turned as

black as lead. some time in the year 1763 kind providenceseemed to appear rather more favourable to one of my master's vessels, a bermudas sloop,about sixty tons, was commanded by one captain thomas farmer, an englishman, a very alertand active man, who gained my master a great deal of money by his good management in carryingpassengers from one island to another; but very often his sailors used to get drunk andrun away from the vessel, which hindered him in his business very much. this man had taken a liking to me; and manydifferent times begged of my master to let me go a trip with him as a sailor; but hewould tell him he could not spare me, though

the vessel sometimes could not go for wantof hands, for sailors were generally very scarce in the island. however, at last, from necessity or force,my master was prevailed on, though very reluctantly, to let me go with this captain; but he gavegreat charge to him to take care that i did not run away, for if i did he would make himpay for me. this being the case, the captain had for sometime a sharp eye upon me whenever the vessel anchored; and as soon as she returned i wassent for on shore again. thus was i slaving as it were for life, sometimesat one thing, and sometimes at another; so that the captain and i were nearly the mostuseful men in my master's employment.

i also became so useful to the captain onshipboard, that many times, when he used to ask for me to go with him, though it shouldbe but for twenty-four hours, to some of the islands near us, my master would answer hecould not spare me, at which the captain would swear, and would not go the trip; and tellmy master i was better to him on board than any three white men he had; for they usedto behave ill in many respects, particularly in getting drunk; and then they frequentlygot the boat stove, so as to hinder the vessel from coming back as soon as she might havedone. this my master knew very well; and at last,by the captain's constant entreaties, after i had been several times with him, one day,to my great joy, my master told me the captain

would not let him rest, and asked me whetheri would go aboard as a sailor, or stay on shore and mind the stores, for he could notbear any longer to be plagued in this manner. i was very happy at this proposal, for i immediatelythought i might in time stand some chance by being on board to get a little money, orpossibly make my escape if i should be used ill: i also expected to get better food, andin greater abundance; for i had felt much hunger oftentimes, though my master treatedhis slaves, as i have observed, uncommonly well. i therefore, without hesitation, answeredhim, that i would go and be a sailor if he pleased.

accordingly i was ordered on board directly. nevertheless, between the vessel and the shore,when she was in port, i had little or no rest, as my master always wished to have me alongwith him. indeed he was a very pleasant gentleman, andbut for my expectations on shipboard i should not have thought of leaving him. but the captain liked me also very much, andi was entirely his right-hand man. i did all i could to deserve his favour, andin return i received better treatment from him than any other i believe ever met within the west indies in my situation. after i had been sailing for some time withthis captain, at length i endeavoured to try

my luck and commence merchant. i had but a very small capital to begin with;for one single half bit, which is equal to three pence in england, made up my whole stock. however i trusted to the lord to be with me;and at one of our trips to st. eustatia, a dutch island, i bought a glass tumbler withmy half bit, and when i came to montserrat i sold it for a bit, or sixpence. luckily we made several successive trips tost. eustatia (which was a general mart for the west indies, about twenty leagues frommontserrat); and in our next, finding my tumbler so profitable, with this one bit i boughttwo tumblers more; and when i came back i

sold them for two bits, equal to a shillingsterling. when we went again i bought with these twobits four more of these glasses, which i sold for four bits on our return to montserrat;and in our next voyage to st. eustatia i bought two glasses with one bit, and with the otherthree i bought a jug of geneva, nearly about three pints in measure. when we came to montserrat i sold the ginfor eight bits, and the tumblers for two, so that my capital now amounted in all toa dollar, well husbanded and acquired in the space of a month or six weeks, when i blessedthe lord that i was so rich. as we sailed to different islands, i laidthis money out in various things occasionally,

and it used to turn out to very good account,especially when we went to guadaloupe, grenada, and the rest of the french islands. thus was i going all about the islands upwardsof four years, and ever trading as i went, during which i experienced many instancesof ill usage, and have seen many injuries done to other negroes in our dealings witheuropeans: and, amidst our recreations, when we have been dancing and merry-making, they,without cause, have molested and insulted us. indeed i was more than once obliged to lookup to god on high, as i had advised the poor fisherman some time before.

and i had not been long trading for myselfin the manner i have related above, when i experienced the like trial in company withhim as follows: this man being used to the water, was upon an emergency put on boardof us by his master to work as another hand, on a voyage to santa cruz; and at our sailinghe had brought his little all for a venture, which consisted of six bits' worth of limesand oranges in a bag; i had also my whole stock, which was about twelve bits' worthof the same kind of goods, separate in two bags; for we had heard these fruits sold wellin that island. when we came there, in some little convenienttime he and i went ashore with our fruits to sell them; but we had scarcely landed whenwe were met by two white men, who presently

took our three bags from us. we could not at first guess what they meantto do; and for some time we thought they were jesting with us; but they too soon let usknow otherwise, for they took our ventures immediately to a house hard by, and adjoiningthe fort, while we followed all the way begging of them to give us our fruits, but in vain. they not only refused to return them, butswore at us, and threatened if we did not immediately depart they would flog us well. we told them these three bags were all wewere worth in the world, and that we brought them with us to sell when we came from montserrat,and shewed them the vessel.

but this was rather against us, as they nowsaw we were strangers as well as slaves. they still therefore swore, and desired usto be gone, and even took sticks to beat us; while we, seeing they meant what they said,went off in the greatest confusion and despair. thus, in the very minute of gaining more bythree times than i ever did by any venture in my life before, was i deprived of everyfarthing i was worth. an insupportable misfortune! but how to helpourselves we knew not. in our consternation we went to the commandingofficer of the fort and told him how we had been served by some of his people; but weobtained not the least redress: he answered our complaints only by a volley of imprecationsagainst us, and immediately took a horse-whip,

in order to chastise us, so that we were obligedto turn out much faster than we came in. i now, in the agony of distress and indignation,wished that the ire of god in his forked lightning might transfix these cruel oppressors amongthe dead. still however we persevered; went back againto the house, and begged and besought them again and again for our fruits, till at lastsome other people that were in the house asked if we would be contented if they kept onebag and gave us the other two. we, seeing no remedy whatever, consented tothis; and they, observing one bag to have both kinds of fruit in it, which belongedto my companion, kept that; and the other two, which were mine, they gave us back.

as soon as i got them, i ran as fast as icould, and got the first negro man i could to help me off; my companion, however, stayeda little longer to plead; he told them the bag they had was his, and likewise all thathe was worth in the world; but this was of no avail, and he was obliged to return withoutit. the poor old man, wringing his hands, criedbitterly for his loss; and, indeed, he then did look up to god on high, which so movedme with pity for him, that i gave him nearly one third of my fruits. we then proceeded to the markets to sell them;and providence was more favourable to us than we could have expected, for we sold our fruitsuncommonly well; i got for mine about thirty-seven

bits. such a surprising reverse of fortune in soshort a space of time seemed like a dream to me, and proved no small encouragement forme to trust the lord in any situation. my captain afterwards frequently used to takemy part, and get me my right, when i have been plundered or used ill by these tenderchristian depredators; among whom i have shuddered to observe the unceasing blasphemous execrationswhich are wantonly thrown out by persons of all ages and conditions, not only withoutoccasion, but even as if they were indulgences and pleasure. at one of our trips to st. kitt's i had elevenbits of my own; and my friendly captain lent

me five bits more, with which i bought a bible. i was very glad to get this book, which iscarcely could meet with any where. i think there was none sold in montserrat;and, much to my grief, from being forced out of the ã†tna in the manner i have related,my bible, and the guide to the indians, the two books i loved above all others, were leftbehind. while i was in this place, st. kitt's, a verycurious imposition on human nature took place:—a white man wanted to marry in the church afree black woman that had land and slaves in montserrat: but the clergyman told himit was against the law of the place to marry a white and a black in the church.

the man then asked to be married on the water,to which the parson consented, and the two lovers went in one boat, and the parson andclerk in another, and thus the ceremony was performed. after this the loving pair came on board ourvessel, and my captain treated them extremely well, and brought them safe to montserrat. the reader cannot but judge of the irksomenessof this situation to a mind like mine, in being daily exposed to new hardships and impositions,after having seen many better days, and having been as it were in a state of freedom andplenty; added to which, every part of the world i had hitherto been in seemed to mea paradise in comparison of the west indies.

my mind was therefore hourly replete withinventions and thoughts of being freed, and, if possible, by honest and honourable means;for i always remembered the old adage; and i trust it has ever been my ruling principle,that honesty is the best policy; and likewise that other golden precept—to do unto allmen as i would they should do unto me. however, as i was from early years a predestinarian,i thought whatever fate had determined must ever come to pass; and therefore, if everit were my lot to be freed nothing could prevent me, although i should at present see no meansor hope to obtain my freedom; on the other hand, if it were my fate not to be freed inever should be so, and all my endeavours for that purpose would be fruitless.

in the midst of these thoughts i thereforelooked up with prayers anxiously to god for my liberty; and at the same time i used everyhonest means, and endeavoured all that was possible on my part to obtain it. in process of time i became master of a fewpounds, and in a fair way of making more, which my friendly captain knew very well;this occasioned him sometimes to take liberties with me: but whenever he treated me waspishlyi used plainly to tell him my mind, and that i would die before i would be imposed on asother negroes were, and that to me life had lost its relish when liberty was gone. this i said although i foresaw my then well-beingor future hopes of freedom (humanly speaking)

depended on this man. however, as he could not bear the thoughtsof my not sailing with him, he always became mild on my threats. i therefore continued with him; and, frommy great attention to his orders and his business, i gained him credit, and through his kindnessto me i at last procured my liberty. while i thus went on, filled with the thoughtsof freedom, and resisting oppression as well as i was able, my life hung daily in suspense,particularly in the surfs i have formerly mentioned, as i could not swim. these are extremely violent throughout thewest indies, and i was ever exposed to their

howling rage and devouring fury in all theislands. i have seen them strike and toss a boat rightup an end, and maim several on board. once in the grenada islands, when i and abouteight others were pulling a large boat with two puncheons of water in it, a surf struckus, and drove the boat and all in it about half a stone's throw, among some trees, andabove the high water mark. we were obliged to get all the assistancewe could from the nearest estate to mend the boat, and launch it into the water again. at montserrat one night, in pressing hardto get off the shore on board, the punt was overset with us four times; the first timei was very near being drowned; however the

jacket i had on kept me up above water a littlespace of time, while i called on a man near me who was a good swimmer, and told him icould not swim; he then made haste to me, and, just as i was sinking, he caught holdof me, and brought me to sounding, and then he went and brought the punt also. as soon as we had turned the water out ofher, lest we should be used ill for being absent, we attempted again three times more,and as often the horrid surfs served us as at first; but at last, the fifth time we attempted,we gained our point, at the imminent hazard of our lives. one day also, at old road in montserrat, ourcaptain, and three men besides myself, were

going in a large canoe in quest of rum andsugar, when a single surf tossed the canoe an amazing distance from the water, and someof us even a stone's throw from each other: most of us were very much bruised; so thati and many more often said, and really thought, that there was not such another place underthe heavens as this. i longed therefore much to leave it, and dailywished to see my master's promise performed of going to philadelphia. while we lay in this place a very cruel thinghappened on board of our sloop which filled me with horror; though i found afterwardssuch practices were frequent. there was a very clever and decent free youngmulatto-man who sailed a long time with us:

he had a free woman for his wife, by whomhe had a child; and she was then living on shore, and all very happy. our captain and mate, and other people onboard, and several elsewhere, even the natives of bermudas, all knew this young man froma child that he was always free, and no one had ever claimed him as their property: however,as might too often overcomes right in these parts, it happened that a bermudas captain,whose vessel lay there for a few days in the road, came on board of us, and seeing themulatto-man, whose name was joseph clipson, he told him he was not free, and that he hadorders from his master to bring him to bermudas. the poor man could not believe the captainto be in earnest; but he was very soon undeceived,

his men laying violent hands on him: and althoughhe shewed a certificate of his being born free in st. kitt's, and most people on boardknew that he served his time to boat building, and always passed for a free man, yet he wastaken forcibly out of our vessel. he then asked to be carried ashore beforethe secretary or magistrates, and these infernal invaders of human rights promised him he should;but, instead of that, they carried him on board of the other vessel: and the next day,without giving the poor man any hearing on shore, or suffering him even to see his wifeor child, he was carried away, and probably doomed never more in this world to see themagain. nor was this the only instance of this kindof barbarity i was a witness to.

i have since often seen in jamaica and otherislands free men, whom i have known in america, thus villainously trepanned and held in bondage. i have heard of two similar practices evenin philadelphia: and were it not for the benevolence of the quakers in that city many of the sablerace, who now breathe the air of liberty, would, i believe, be groaning indeed undersome planter's chains. these things opened my mind to a new sceneof horror to which i had been before a stranger. hitherto i had thought only slavery dreadful;but the state of a free negro appeared to me now equally so at least, and in some respectseven worse, for they live in constant alarm for their liberty; and even this is but nominal,for they are universally insulted and plundered

without the possibility of redress; for suchis the equity of the west indian laws, that no free negro's evidence will be admittedin their courts of justice. in this situation is it surprising that slaves,when mildly treated, should prefer even the misery of slavery to such a mockery of freedom? i was now completely disgusted with the westindies, and thought i never should be entirely free until i had left them. "with thoughts like these my anxious bodingmind recall'd those pleasing scenes i left behind;scenes where fair liberty in bright array makes darkness bright, and e'en illuminesday;

where nor complexion, wealth, or station,can protect the wretch who makes a slave of man." i determined to make every exertion to obtainmy freedom, and to return to old england. for this purpose i thought a knowledge ofnavigation might be of use to me; for, though i did not intend to run away unless i shouldbe ill used, yet, in such a case, if i understood navigation, i might attempt my escape in oursloop, which was one of the swiftest sailing vessels in the west indies, and i could beat no loss for hands to join me: and if i should make this attempt, i had intended tohave gone for england; but this, as i said, was only to be in the event of my meetingwith any ill usage.

i therefore employed the mate of our vesselto teach me navigation, for which i agreed to give him twenty-four dollars, and actuallypaid him part of the money down; though when the captain, some time after, came to knowthat the mate was to have such a sum for teaching me, he rebuked him, and said it was a shamefor him to take any money from me. however, my progress in this useful art wasmuch retarded by the constancy of our work. had i wished to run away i did not want opportunities,which frequently presented themselves; and particularly at one time, soon after this. when we were at the island of gaurdeloupethere was a large fleet of merchantmen bound for old france; and, seamen then being veryscarce, they gave from fifteen to twenty pounds

a man for the run. our mate, and all the white sailors, leftour vessel on this account, and went on board of the french ships. they would have had me also to go with them,for they regarded me; and they swore to protect me, if i would go: and, as the fleet was tosail the next day, i really believe i could have got safe to europe at that time. however, as my master was kind, i would notattempt to leave him; and, remembering the old maxim, that 'honesty is the best policy,'i suffered them to go without me. indeed my captain was much afraid of my leavinghim and the vessel at that time, as i had

so fair an opportunity: but, i thank god,this fidelity of mine turned out much to my advantage hereafter, when i did not in theleast think of it; and made me so much in favour with the captain, that he used nowand then to teach me some parts of navigation himself: but some of our passengers, and others,seeing this, found much fault with him for it, saying it was a very dangerous thing tolet a negro know navigation; thus i was hindered again in my pursuits. about the latter end of the year 1764 my masterbought a larger sloop, called the providence, about seventy or eighty tons, of which mycaptain had the command. i went with him into this vessel, and we tooka load of new slaves for georgia and charles

town. my master now left me entirely to the captain,though he still wished for me to be with him; but i, who always much wished to lose sightof the west indies, was not a little rejoiced at the thoughts of seeing any other country. therefore, relying on the goodness of my captain,i got ready all the little venture i could; and, when the vessel was ready, we sailed,to my great joy. when we got to our destined places, georgiaand charles town, i expected i should have an opportunity of selling my little propertyto advantage: but here, particularly in charles town, i met with buyers, white men, who imposedon me as in other places.

notwithstanding, i was resolved to have fortitude;thinking no lot or trial is too hard when kind heaven is the rewarder. we soon got loaded again, and returned tomontserrat; and there, amongst the rest of the islands, i sold my goods well; and inthis manner i continued trading during the year 1764; meeting with various scenes ofimposition, as usual. after this, my master fitted out his vesselfor philadelphia, in the year 1765; and during the time we were loading her, and gettingready for the voyage, i worked with redoubled alacrity, from the hope of getting money enoughby these voyages to buy my freedom in time, if it should please god; and also to see thetown of philadelphia, which i had heard a

great deal about for some years past; besideswhich, i had always longed to prove my master's promise the first day i came to him. in the midst of these elevated ideas, andwhile i was about getting my little merchandize in readiness, one sunday my master sent forme to his house. when i came there i found him and the captaintogether; and, on my going in, i was struck with astonishment at his telling me he heardthat i meant to run away from him when i got to philadelphia: 'and therefore,' said he,'i must sell you again: you cost me a great deal of money, no less than forty pounds sterling;and it will not do to lose so much. you are a valuable fellow,' continued he;'and i can get any day for you one hundred

guineas, from many gentlemen in this island.' and then he told me of captain doran's brother-in-law,a severe master, who ever wanted to buy me to make me his overseer. my captain also said he could get much morethan a hundred guineas for me in carolina. this i knew to be a fact; for the gentlemanthat wanted to buy me came off several times on board of us, and spoke to me to live withhim, and said he would use me well. when i asked what work he would put me tohe said, as i was a sailor, he would make me a captain of one of his rice vessels. but i refused: and fearing, at the same time,by a sudden turn i saw in the captain's temper,

he might mean to sell me, i told the gentlemani would not live with him on any condition, and that i certainly would run away with hisvessel: but he said he did not fear that, as he would catch me again; and then he toldme how cruelly he would serve me if i should do so. my captain, however, gave him to understandthat i knew something of navigation: so he thought better of it; and, to my great joy,he went away. i now told my master i did not say i wouldrun away in philadelphia; neither did i mean it, as he did not use me ill, nor yet thecaptain: for if they did i certainly would have made some attempts before now; but asi thought that if it were god's will i ever

should be freed it would be so, and, on thecontrary, if it was not his will it would not happen; so i hoped, if ever i were freed,whilst i was used well, it should be by honest means; but, as i could not help myself, hemust do as he pleased; i could only hope and trust to the god of heaven; and at that instantmy mind was big with inventions and full of schemes to escape. i then appealed to the captain whether heever saw any sign of my making the least attempt to run away; and asked him if i did not alwayscome on board according to the time for which he gave me liberty; and, more particularly,when all our men left us at gaurdeloupe and went on board of the french fleet, and advisedme to go with them, whether i might not, and

that he could not have got me again. to my no small surprise, and very great joy,the captain confirmed every syllable that i had said: and even more; for he said hehad tried different times to see if i would make any attempt of this kind, both at st.eustatia and in america, and he never found that i made the smallest; but, on the contrary,i always came on board according to his orders; and he did really believe, if i ever meantto run away, that, as i could never have had a better opportunity, i would have done itthe night the mate and all the people left our vessel at gaurdeloupe. the captain then informed my master, who hadbeen thus imposed on by our mate, though i

did not know who was my enemy, the reasonthe mate had for imposing this lie upon him; which was, because i had acquainted the captainof the provisions the mate had given away or taken out of the vessel. this speech of the captain was like life tothe dead to me, and instantly my soul glorified god; and still more so on hearing my masterimmediately say that i was a sensible fellow, and he never did intend to use me as a commonslave; and that but for the entreaties of the captain, and his character of me, he wouldnot have let me go from the stores about as i had done; that also, in so doing, he thoughtby carrying one little thing or other to different places to sell i might make money.

that he also intended to encourage me in thisby crediting me with half a puncheon of rum and half a hogshead of sugar at a time; sothat, from being careful, i might have money enough, in some time, to purchase my freedom;and, when that was the case, i might depend upon it he would let me have it for fortypounds sterling money, which was only the same price he gave for me. this sound gladdened my poor heart beyondmeasure; though indeed it was no more than the very idea i had formed in my mind of mymaster long before, and i immediately made him this reply: 'sir, i always had that verythought of you, indeed i had, and that made me so diligent in serving you.'

he then gave me a large piece of silver coin,such as i never had seen or had before, and told me to get ready for the voyage, and hewould credit me with a tierce of sugar, and another of rum; he also said that he had twoamiable sisters in philadelphia, from whom i might get some necessary things. upon this my noble captain desired me to goaboard; and, knowing the african metal, he charged me not to say any thing of this matterto any body; and he promised that the lying mate should not go with him any more. this was a change indeed; in the same hourto feel the most exquisite pain, and in the turn of a moment the fullest joy.

it caused in me such sensations as i was onlyable to express in my looks; my heart was so overpowered with gratitude that i couldhave kissed both of their feet. when i left the room i immediately went, orrather flew, to the vessel, which being loaded, my master, as good as his word, trusted mewith a tierce of rum, and another of sugar, when we sailed, and arrived safe at the eleganttown of philadelphia. i soon sold my goods here pretty well; andin this charming place i found every thing plentiful and cheap. while i was in this place a very extraordinaryoccurrence befell me. i had been told one evening of a wise woman,a mrs. davis, who revealed secrets, foretold

events, &c. i put little faith in this story at first,as i could not conceive that any mortal could foresee the future disposals of providence,nor did i believe in any other revelation than that of the holy scriptures; however,i was greatly astonished at seeing this woman in a dream that night, though a person i neverbefore beheld in my life; this made such an impression on me, that i could not get theidea the next day out of my mind, and i then became as anxious to see her as i was beforeindifferent; accordingly in the evening, after we left off working, i inquired where shelived, and being directed to her, to my inexpressible surprise, beheld the very woman in the verysame dress she appeared to me to wear in the

vision. she immediately told me i had dreamed of herthe preceding night; related to me many things that had happened with a correctness thatastonished me; and finally told me i should not be long a slave: this was the more agreeablenews, as i believed it the more readily from her having so faithfully related the pastincidents of my life. she said i should be twice in very great dangerof my life within eighteen months, which, if i escaped, i should afterwards go on well;so, giving me her blessing, we parted. after staying here some time till our vesselwas loaded, and i had bought in my little traffic, we sailed from this agreeable spotfor montserrat, once more to encounter the

raging surfs. we arrived safe at montserrat, where we dischargedour cargo; and soon after that we took slaves on board for st. eustatia, and from thenceto georgia. i had always exerted myself and did doublework, in order to make our voyages as short as possible; and from thus over-working myselfwhile we were at georgia i caught a fever and ague. i was very ill for eleven days and near dying;eternity was now exceedingly impressed on my mind, and i feared very much that awfulevent. i prayed the lord therefore to spare me; andi made a promise in my mind to god, that i

would be good if ever i should recover. at length, from having an eminent doctor toattend me, i was restored again to health; and soon after we got the vessel loaded, andset off for montserrat. during the passage, as i was perfectly restored,and had much business of the vessel to mind, all my endeavours to keep up my integrity,and perform my promise to god, began to fail; and, in spite of all i could do, as we drewnearer and nearer to the islands, my resolutions more and more declined, as if the very airof that country or climate seemed fatal to piety. when we were safe arrived at montserrat, andi had got ashore, i forgot my former resolutions.—alas!

how prone is the heart to leave that god itwishes to love! and how strongly do the things of this world strike the senses and captivatethe soul!—after our vessel was discharged, we soon got her ready, and took in, as usual,some of the poor oppressed natives of africa, and other negroes; we then set off again forgeorgia and charlestown. we arrived at georgia, and, having landedpart of our cargo, proceeded to charlestown with the remainder. while we were there i saw the town illuminated;the guns were fired, and bonfires and other demonstrations of joy shewn, on account ofthe repeal of the stamp act. here i disposed of some goods on my own account;the white men buying them with smooth promises

and fair words, giving me however but veryindifferent payment. there was one gentleman particularly who boughta puncheon of rum of me, which gave me a great deal of trouble; and, although i used theinterest of my friendly captain, i could not obtain any thing for it; for, being a negroman, i could not oblige him to pay me. this vexed me much, not knowing how to act;and i lost some time in seeking after this christian; and though, when the sabbath came(which the negroes usually make their holiday) i was much inclined to go to public worship,i was obliged to hire some black men to help to pull a boat across the water to god inquest of this gentleman. when i found him, after much entreaty, bothfrom myself and my worthy captain, he at last

paid me in dollars; some of them, however,were copper, and of consequence of no value; but he took advantage of my being a negroman, and obliged me to put up with those or none, although i objected to them. immediately after, as i was trying to passthem in the market, amongst other white men, i was abused for offering to pass bad coin;and, though i shewed them the man i got them from, i was within one minute of being tiedup and flogged without either judge or jury; however, by the help of a good pair of heels,i ran off, and so escaped the bastinadoes i should have received. i got on board as fast as i could, but stillcontinued in fear of them until we sailed,

which i thanked god we did not long after;and i have never been amongst them since. we soon came to georgia, where we were tocomplete our lading; and here worse fate than ever attended me: for one sunday night, asi was with some negroes in their master's yard in the town of savannah, it happenedthat their master, one doctor perkins, who was a very severe and cruel man, came in drunk;and, not liking to see any strange negroes in his yard, he and a ruffian of a white manhe had in his service beset me in an instant, and both of them struck me with the firstweapons they could get hold of. i cried out as long as i could for help andmercy; but, though i gave a good account of myself, and he knew my captain, who lodgedhard by him, it was to no purpose.

they beat and mangled me in a shameful manner,leaving me near dead. i lost so much blood from the wounds i received,that i lay quite motionless, and was so benumbed that i could not feel any thing for many hours. early in the morning they took me away tothe jail. as i did not return to the ship all night,my captain, not knowing where i was, and being uneasy that i did not then make my appearance,he made inquiry after me; and, having found where i was, immediately came to me. as soon as the good man saw me so cut andmangled, he could not forbear weeping; he soon got me out of jail to his lodgings, andimmediately sent for the best doctors in the

place, who at first declared it as their opinionthat i could not recover. my captain on this went to all the lawyersin the town for their advice, but they told him they could do nothing for me as i wasa negro. he then went to doctor perkins, the hero whohad vanquished me, and menaced him, swearing he would be revenged of him, and challengedhim to fight.—but cowardice is ever the companion of cruelty—and the doctor refused. however, by the skilfulness of one doctorbrady of that place, i began at last to amend; but, although i was so sore and bad with thewounds i had all over me that i could not rest in any posture, yet i was in more painon account of the captain's uneasiness about

me than i otherwise should have been. the worthy man nursed and watched me all thehours of the night; and i was, through his attention and that of the doctor, able toget out of bed in about sixteen or eighteen days. all this time i was very much wanted on board,as i used frequently to go up and down the river for rafts, and other parts of our cargo,and stow them when the mate was sick or absent. in about four weeks i was able to go on duty;and in a fortnight after, having got in all our lading, our vessel set sail for montserrat;and in less than three weeks we arrived there safe towards the end of the year.

this ended my adventures in 1764; for i didnot leave montserrat again till the beginning of the following year. end of the first volume. they ran the ship aground: and the fore partstuck fast, and remained unmoveable, but the hinder part was broken with the violence ofthe waves. acts xxvii. 41. howbeit, we must be cast upon a certain island;wherefore, sirs, be of good cheer: for i believe god, that it shall be even as it was toldme.

26, 25. now a thing was secretly brought to me, andmine ear received a little thereof. in thoughts from the visions of the night,when deep sleep falleth on men. job iv. 12, 13. lo, all these things worketh god oftentimeswith man, to bring back his soul from the pit, to beenlightened with the light of the living. job xxxiii. 29, 30.

vii. the author's disgust at the west indies—formsschemes to obtain his freedom—ludicrous disappointment he and his captain meet within georgia—at last, by several successful voyages, he acquires a sum of money sufficientto purchase it—applies to his master, who accepts it, and grants his manumission, tohis great joy—he afterwards enters as a freeman on board one of mr. king's ships,and sails for georgia—impositions on free negroes as usual—his venture of turkies—sailsfor montserrat, and on his passage his friend, the captain, falls ill and dies. every day now brought me nearer my freedom,and i was impatient till we proceeded again

to sea, that i might have an opportunity ofgetting a sum large enough to purchase it. i was not long ungratified; for, in the beginningof the year 1766, my master bought another sloop, named the nancy, the largest i hadever seen. she was partly laden, and was to proceed tophiladelphia; our captain had his choice of three, and i was well pleased he chose this,which was the largest; for, from his having a large vessel, i had more room, and couldcarry a larger quantity of goods with me. accordingly, when we had delivered our oldvessel, the prudence, and completed the lading of the nancy, having made near three hundredper cent, by four barrels of pork i brought from charlestown, i laid in as large a cargoas i could, trusting to god's providence to

prosper my undertaking. with these views i sailed for philadelphia. on our passage, when we drew near the land,i was for the first time surprised at the sight of some whales, having never seen anysuch large sea monsters before; and as we sailed by the land one morning i saw a puppywhale close by the vessel; it was about the length of a wherry boat, and it followed usall the day till we got within the capes. we arrived safe and in good time at philadelphia,and i sold my goods there chiefly to the quakers. they always appeared to be a very honest discreetsort of people, and never attempted to impose on me; i therefore liked them, and ever afterchose to deal with them in preference to any

others. one sunday morning while i was here, as iwas going to church, i chanced to pass a meeting-house. the doors being open, and the house full ofpeople, it excited my curiosity to go in. when i entered the house, to my great surprise,i saw a very tall woman standing in the midst of them, speaking in an audible voice somethingwhich i could not understand. having never seen anything of this kind before,i stood and stared about me for some time, wondering at this odd scene. as soon as it was over i took an opportunityto make inquiry about the place and people, when i was informed they were called quakers.

i particularly asked what that woman i sawin the midst of them had said, but none of them were pleased to satisfy me; so i quittedthem, and soon after, as i was returning, i came to a church crowded with people; thechurch-yard was full likewise, and a number of people were even mounted on ladders, lookingin at the windows. i thought this a strange sight, as i had neverseen churches, either in england or the west indies, crowded in this manner before. i therefore made bold to ask some people themeaning of all this, and they told me the rev. mr. george whitfield was preaching. i had often heard of this gentleman, and hadwished to see and hear him; but i had never

before had an opportunity. i now therefore resolved to gratify myselfwith the sight, and i pressed in amidst the multitude. when i got into the church i saw this piousman exhorting the people with the greatest fervour and earnestness, and sweating as muchas i ever did while in slavery on montserrat beach. i was very much struck and impressed withthis; i thought it strange i had never seen divines exert themselves in this manner before,and i was no longer at a loss to account for the thin congregations they preached to.

when we had discharged our cargo here, andwere loaded again, we left this fruitful land once more, and set sail for montserrat. my traffic had hitherto succeeded so wellwith me, that i thought, by selling my goods when we arrived at montserrat, i should haveenough to purchase my freedom. but, as soon as our vessel arrived there,my master came on board, and gave orders for us to go to st. eustatia, and discharge ourcargo there, and from thence proceed for georgia. i was much disappointed at this; but thinking,as usual, it was of no use to encounter with the decrees of fate, i submitted without repining,and we went to st. eustatia. after we had discharged our cargo there wetook in a live cargo, as we call a cargo of

slaves. here i sold my goods tolerably well; but,not being able to lay out all my money in this small island to as much advantage asin many other places, i laid out only part, and the remainder i brought away with me neat. we sailed from hence for georgia, and i wasglad when we got there, though i had not much reason to like the place from my last adventurein savannah; but i longed to get back to montserrat and procure my freedom, which i expected tobe able to purchase when i returned. as soon as we arrived here i waited on mycareful doctor, mr. brady, to whom i made the most grateful acknowledgments in my powerfor his former kindness and attention during

my illness. while we were here an odd circumstance happenedto the captain and me, which disappointed us both a good deal. a silversmith, whom we had brought to thisplace some voyages before, agreed with the captain to return with us to the west indies,and promised at the same time to give the captain a great deal of money, having pretendedto take a liking to him, and being, as we thought, very rich. but while we stayed to load our vessel thisman was taken ill in a house where he worked, and in a week's time became very bad.

the worse he grew the more he used to speakof giving the captain what he had promised him, so that he expected something considerablefrom the death of this man, who had no wife or child, and he attended him day and night. i used also to go with the captain, at hisown desire, to attend him; especially when we saw there was no appearance of his recovery:and, in order to recompense me for my trouble, the captain promised me ten pounds, when heshould get the man's property. i thought this would be of great service tome, although i had nearly money enough to purchase my freedom, if i should get safethis voyage to montserrat. in this expectation i laid out above eightpounds of my money for a suit of superfine

clothes to dance with at my freedom, whichi hoped was then at hand. we still continued to attend this man, andwere with him even on the last day he lived, till very late at night, when we went on board. after we were got to bed, about one or twoo'clock in the morning, the captain was sent for, and informed the man was dead. on this he came to my bed, and, waking me,informed me of it, and desired me to get up and procure a light, and immediately go tohim. i told him i was very sleepy, and wished hewould take somebody else with him; or else, as the man was dead, and could want no fartherattendance, to let all things remain as they

were till the next morning. 'no, no,' said he, 'we will have the moneyto-night, i cannot wait till to-morrow; so let us go.' accordingly i got up and struck a light, andaway we both went and saw the man as dead as we could wish. the captain said he would give him a grandburial, in gratitude for the promised treasure; and desired that all the things belongingto the deceased might be brought forth. among others, there was a nest of trunks ofwhich he had kept the keys whilst the man was ill, and when they were produced we openedthem with no small eagerness and expectation;

and as there were a great number within oneanother, with much impatience we took them one out of the other. at last, when we came to the smallest, andhad opened it, we saw it was full of papers, which we supposed to be notes; at the sightof which our hearts leapt for joy; and that instant the captain, clapping his hands, criedout, 'thank god, here it is.' but when we took up the trunk, and began toexamine the supposed treasure and long-looked-for bounty, (alas! alas! how uncertain and deceitfulare all human affairs!) what had we found! while we thought we were embracing a substancewe grasped an empty nothing. the whole amount that was in the nest of trunkswas only one dollar and a half; and all that

the man possessed would not pay for his coffin. our sudden and exquisite joy was now succeededby a sudden and exquisite pain; and my captain and i exhibited, for some time, most ridiculousfigures—pictures of chagrin and disappointment! we went away greatly mortified, and left thedeceased to do as well as he could for himself, as we had taken so good care of him when alivefor nothing. we set sail once more for montserrat, andarrived there safe; but much out of humour with our friend the silversmith. when we had unladen the vessel, and i hadsold my venture, finding myself master of about forty-seven pounds, i consulted my truefriend, the captain, how i should proceed

in offering my master the money for my freedom. he told me to come on a certain morning, whenhe and my master would be at breakfast together. accordingly, on that morning i went, and metthe captain there, as he had appointed. when i went in i made my obeisance to my master,and with my money in my hand, and many fears in my heart, i prayed him to be as good ashis offer to me, when he was pleased to promise me my freedom as soon as i could purchaseit. this speech seemed to confound him; he beganto recoil: and my heart that instant sunk within me. 'what,' said he, 'give you your freedom?

why, where did you get the money? have you got forty pounds sterling?' 'yes, sir,' i answered. 'how did you get it?' replied he. i told him, very honestly. the captain then said he knew i got the moneyvery honestly and with much industry, and that i was particularly careful. on which my master replied, i got money muchfaster than he did; and said he would not have made me the promise he did if he hadthought i should have got money so soon.

'come, come,' said my worthy captain, clappingmy master on the back, 'come, robert, (which was his name) i think you must let him havehis freedom; you have laid your money out very well; you have received good interestfor it all this time, and here is now the principal at last. i know gustavus has earned you more than anhundred a-year, and he will still save you money, as he will not leave you:—come, robert,take the money.' my master then said, he would not be worsethan his promise; and, taking the money, told me to go to the secretary at the registeroffice, and get my manumission drawn up. these words of my master were like a voicefrom heaven to me: in an instant all my trepidation

was turned into unutterable bliss; and i mostreverently bowed myself with gratitude, unable to express my feelings, but by the overflowingof my eyes, while my true and worthy friend, the captain, congratulated us both with apeculiar degree of heartfelt pleasure. as soon as the first transports of my joywere over, and that i had expressed my thanks to these my worthy friends in the best manneri was able, i rose with a heart full of affection and reverence, and left the room, in orderto obey my master's joyful mandate of going to the register office. as i was leaving the house i called to mindthe words of the psalmist, in the 126th psalm, and like him, 'i glorified god in my heart,in whom i trusted.'

these words had been impressed on my mindfrom the very day i was forced from deptford to the present hour, and i now saw them, asi thought, fulfilled and verified. my imagination was all rapture as i flew tothe register office, and, in this respect, like the apostle peter,[u] (whose deliverancefrom prison was so sudden and extraordinary, that he thought he was in a vision) i couldscarcely believe i was awake. heavens! who could do justice to my feelingsat this moment! not conquering heroes themselves, in the midstof a triumph—not the tender mother who has just regained her long-lost infant, and pressesit to her heart—not the weary hungry mariner, at the sight of the desired friendly port—notthe lover, when he once more embraces his

beloved mistress, after she had been ravishedfrom his arms!—all within my breast was tumult, wildness, and delirium! my feet scarcely touched the ground, for theywere winged with joy, and, like elijah, as he rose to heaven, they 'were with lightningsped as i went on.' every one i met i told of my happiness, andblazed about the virtue of my amiable master and captain. when i got to the office and acquainted theregister with my errand he congratulated me on the occasion, and told me he would drawup my manumission for half price, which was a guinea.

i thanked him for his kindness; and, havingreceived it and paid him, i hastened to my master to get him to sign it, that i mightbe fully released. accordingly he signed the manumission thatday, so that, before night, i who had been a slave in the morning, trembling at the willof another, was become my own master, and completely free. i thought this was the happiest day i hadever experienced; and my joy was still heightened by the blessings and prayers of the sablerace, particularly the aged, to whom my heart had ever been attached with reverence. as the form of my manumission has somethingpeculiar in it, and expresses the absolute

power and dominion one man claims over hisfellow, i shall beg leave to present it before my readers at full length: montserrat.—to all men unto whom these presentsshall come: i robert king, of the parish of st. anthony in the said island, merchant,send greeting: know ye, that i the aforesaid robert king, for and in consideration of thesum of seventy pounds current money of the said island, to me in hand paid, and to theintent that a negro man-slave, named gustavus vassa, shall and may become free, have manumitted,emancipated, enfranchised, and set free, and by these presents do manumit, emancipate,enfranchise, and set free, the aforesaid negro man-slave, named gustavus vassa, for ever,hereby giving, granting, and releasing unto

him, the said gustavus vassa, all right, title,dominion, sovereignty, and property, which, as lord and master over the aforesaid gustavusvassa, i had, or now i have, or by any means whatsoever i may or can hereafter possiblyhave over him the aforesaid negro, for ever. in witness whereof i the abovesaid robertking have unto these presents set my hand and seal, this tenth day of july, in the yearof our lord one thousand seven hundred and sixty-six. robert king. signed, sealed, and delivered in the presenceof terrylegay, montserrat. registered the within manumission at fulllength, this eleventh day of july, 1766, in

liber d.terrylegay, register. in short, the fair as well as black peopleimmediately styled me by a new appellation, to me the most desirable in the world, whichwas freeman, and at the dances i gave my georgia superfine blue clothes made no indifferentappearance, as i thought. some of the sable females, who formerly stoodaloof, now began to relax and appear less coy; but my heart was still fixed on london,where i hoped to be ere long. so that my worthy captain and his owner, mylate master, finding that the bent of my mind was towards london, said to me, 'we hope youwon't leave us, but that you will still be with the vessels.'

here gratitude bowed me down; and none butthe generous mind can judge of my feelings, struggling between inclination and duty. however, notwithstanding my wish to be inlondon, i obediently answered my benefactors that i would go in the vessel, and not leavethem; and from that day i was entered on board as an able-bodied sailor, at thirty-six shillingsper month, besides what perquisites i could make. my intention was to make a voyage or two,entirely to please these my honoured patrons; but i determined that the year following,if it pleased god, i would see old england once more, and surprise my old master, capt.pascal, who was hourly in my mind; for i still

loved him, notwithstanding his usage of me,and i pleased myself with thinking of what he would say when he saw what the lord haddone for me in so short a time, instead of being, as he might perhaps suppose, underthe cruel yoke of some planter. with these kind of reveries i used often toentertain myself, and shorten the time till my return; and now, being as in my originalfree african state, i embarked on board the nancy, after having got all things ready forour voyage. in this state of serenity we sailed for st.eustatia; and, having smooth seas and calm weather, we soon arrived there: after takingour cargo on board, we proceeded to savannah in georgia, in august, 1766.

while we were there, as usual, i used to gofor the cargo up the rivers in boats; and on this business i have been frequently besetby alligators, which were very numerous on that coast, and i have shot many of them whenthey have been near getting into our boats; which we have with great difficulty sometimesprevented, and have been very much frightened at them. i have seen a young one sold in georgia alivefor six pence. during our stay at this place, one eveninga slave belonging to mr. read, a merchant of savannah, came near our vessel, and beganto use me very ill. i entreated him, with all the patience i wasmaster of, to desist, as i knew there was

little or no law for a free negro here; butthe fellow, instead of taking my advice, persevered in his insults, and even struck me. at this i lost all temper, and i fell on himand beat him soundly. the next morning his master came to our vesselas we lay alongside the wharf, and desired me to come ashore that he might have me floggedall round the town, for beating his negro slave. i told him he had insulted me, and had giventhe provocation, by first striking me. i had told my captain also the whole affairthat morning, and wished him to have gone along with me to mr. read, to prevent badconsequences; but he said that it did not

signify, and if mr. read said any thing hewould make matters up, and had desired me to go to work, which i accordingly did. the captain being on board when mr. read came,he told him i was a free man; and when mr. read applied to him to deliver me up, he saidhe knew nothing of the matter. i was astonished and frightened at this, andthought i had better keep where i was than go ashore and be flogged round the town, withoutjudge or jury. i therefore refused to stir; and mr. readwent away, swearing he would bring all the constables in the town, for he would haveme out of the vessel. when he was gone, i thought his threat mightprove too true to my sorrow; and i was confirmed

in this belief, as well by the many instancesi had seen of the treatment of free negroes, as from a fact that had happened within myown knowledge here a short time before. there was a free black man, a carpenter, thati knew, who, for asking a gentleman that he worked for for the money he had earned, wasput into gaol; and afterwards this oppressed man was sent from georgia, with false accusations,of an intention to set the gentleman's house on fire, and run away with his slaves. i was therefore much embarrassed, and veryapprehensive of a flogging at least. i dreaded, of all things, the thoughts ofbeing striped, as i never in my life had the marks of any violence of that kind.

at that instant a rage seized my soul, andfor a little i determined to resist the first man that should offer to lay violent handson me, or basely use me without a trial; for i would sooner die like a free man, than suffermyself to be scourged by the hands of ruffians, and my blood drawn like a slave. the captain and others, more cautious, advisedme to make haste and conceal myself; for they said mr. read was a very spiteful man, andhe would soon come on board with constables and take me. at first i refused this counsel, being determinedto stand my ground; but at length, by the prevailing entreaties of the captain and mr.dixon, with whom he lodged, i went to mr.

dixon's house, which was a little out of town,at a place called yea-ma-chra. i was but just gone when mr. read, with theconstables, came for me, and searched the vessel; but, not finding me there, he sworehe would have me dead or alive. i was secreted about five days; however, thegood character which my captain always gave me as well as some other gentlemen who alsoknew me, procured me some friends. at last some of them told my captain thathe did not use me well, in suffering me thus to be imposed upon, and said they would seeme redressed, and get me on board some other vessel. my captain, on this, immediately went to mr.read, and told him, that ever since i eloped

from the vessel his work had been neglected,and he could not go on with her loading, himself and mate not being well; and, as i had managedthings on board for them, my absence must retard his voyage, and consequently hurt theowner; he therefore begged of him to forgive me, as he said he never had any complaintof me before, for the many years that i had been with him. after repeated entreaties, mr. read said imight go to hell, and that he would not meddle with me; on which my captain came immediatelyto me at his lodging, and, telling me how pleasantly matters had gone on, he desiredme to go on board. some of my other friends then asked him ifhe had got the constable's warrant from them;

the captain said, no. on this i was desired by them to stay in thehouse; and they said they would get me on board of some other vessel before the evening. when the captain heard this he became almostdistracted. he went immediately for the warrant, and,after using every exertion in his power, he at last got it from my hunters; but i hadall the expenses to pay. after i had thanked all my friends for theirattention, i went on board again to my work, of which i had always plenty. we were in haste to complete our lading, andwere to carry twenty head of cattle with us

to the west indies, where they are a veryprofitable article. in order to encourage me in working, and tomake up for the time i had lost, my captain promised me the privilege of carrying twobullocks of my own with me; and this made me work with redoubled ardour. as soon as i had got the vessel loaded, indoing which i was obliged to perform the duty of the mate as well as my own work, and thatthe bullocks were near coming on board, i asked the captain leave to bring my two, accordingto his promise; but, to my great surprise, he told me there was no room for them. i then asked him to permit me to take one;but he said he could not.

i was a good deal mortified at this usage,and told him i had no notion that he intended thus to impose on me; nor could i think wellof any man that was so much worse than his word. on this we had some disagreement, and i gavehim to understand, that i intended to leave at this he appeared to be very much dejected;and our mate, who had been very sickly, and whose duty had long devolved upon me, advisedhim to persuade me to stay: in consequence of which he spoke very kindly to me, makingmany fair promises, telling me that, as the mate was so sickly, he could not do withoutme, and that, as the safety of the vessel and cargo depended greatly upon me, he thereforehoped that i would not be offended at what

had passed between us, and swore he wouldmake up all matters when we arrived in the west indies; so i consented to slave on asbefore. soon after this, as the bullocks were comingon board, one of them ran at the captain, and butted him so furiously in the breast,that he never recovered of the blow. in order to make me some amends for his treatmentabout the bullocks, the captain now pressed me very much to take some turkeys, and otherfowls, with me, and gave me liberty to take as many as i could find room for; but i toldhim he knew very well i had never carried any turkeys before, as i always thought theywere such tender birds that they were not fit to cross the seas.

however, he continued to press me to buy themfor once; and, what was very surprising to me, the more i was against it, the more heurged my taking them, insomuch that he ensured me from all losses that might happen by them,and i was prevailed on to take them; but i thought this very strange, as he had neveracted so with me before. this, and not being able to dispose of mypaper-money in any other way, induced me at length to take four dozen. the turkeys, however, i was so dissatisfiedabout that i determined to make no more voyages to this quarter, nor with this captain; andwas very apprehensive that my free voyage would be the worst i had ever made.

we set sail for montserrat. the captain and mate had been both complainingof sickness when we sailed, and as we proceeded on our voyage they grew worse. this was about november, and we had not beenlong at sea before we began to meet with strong northerly gales and rough seas; and in aboutseven or eight days all the bullocks were near being drowned, and four or five of themdied. our vessel, which had not been tight at first,was much less so now; and, though we were but nine in the whole, including five sailorsand myself, yet we were obliged to attend to the pumps every half or three quartersof an hour.

the captain and mate came on deck as oftenas they were able, which was now but seldom; for they declined so fast, that they werenot well enough to make observations above four or five times the whole voyage. the whole care of the vessel rested, therefore,upon me, and i was obliged to direct her by my former experience, not being able to worka traverse. the captain was now very sorry he had nottaught me navigation, and protested, if ever he should get well again, he would not failto do so; but in about seventeen days his illness increased so much, that he was obligedto keep his bed, continuing sensible, however, till the last, constantly having the owner'sinterest at heart; for this just and benevolent

man ever appeared much concerned about thewelfare of what he was intrusted with. when this dear friend found the symptoms ofdeath approaching, he called me by my name; and, when i came to him, he asked (with almosthis last breath) if he had ever done me any harm? 'god forbid i should think so,' i replied,'i should then be the most ungrateful of wretches to the best of sorrow by his bedside, he expiredwithout saying another word; and the day following we committed his body to the deep. every man on board loved this man, and regrettedhis death; but i was exceedingly affected at it, and i found that i did not know, tillhe was gone, the strength of my regard for

indeed i had every reason in the world tobe attached to him; for, besides that he was in general mild, affable, generous, faithful,benevolent, and just, he was to me a friend and a father; and, had it pleased providencethat he had died but five months before, i verily believe i should not have obtainedmy freedom when i did; and it is not improbable that i might not have been able to get itat any rate afterwards. the captain being dead, the mate came on thedeck, and made such observations as he was able, but to no purpose. in the course of a few days more, the fewbullocks that remained were found dead; but the turkies i had, though on the deck, andexposed to so much wet and bad weather, did

well, and i afterwards gained near three hundredper cent, on the sale of them; so that in the event it proved a happy circumstance forme that i had not bought the bullocks i intended, for they must have perished with the rest;and i could not help looking on this, otherwise trifling circumstance, as a particular providenceof god, and i was thankful accordingly. the care of the vessel took up all my time,and engaged my attention entirely. as we were now out of the variable winds,i thought i should not be much puzzled to hit upon the islands. i was persuaded i steered right for antigua,which i wished to reach, as the nearest to us; and in the course of nine or ten dayswe made this island, to our great joy; and

the next day after we came safe to montserrat. many were surprised when they heard of myconducting the sloop into the port, and i now obtained a new appellation, and was calledcaptain. this elated me not a little, and it was quiteflattering to my vanity to be thus styled by as high a title as any free man in thisplace possessed. when the death of the captain became known,he was much regretted by all who knew him; for he was a man universally respected. at the same time the sable captain lost nofame; for the success i had met with increased the affection of my friends in no small measure.

viii. the author, to oblige mr. king, once moreembarks for georgia in one of his vessels—a new captain is appointed—they sail, andsteer a new course—three remarkable dreams—the vessel is shipwrecked on the bahama bank,but the crew are preserved, principally by means of the author—he sets out from theisland with the captain, in a small boat, in quest of a ship—their distress—meetwith a wrecker—sail for providence—are overtaken again by a terrible storm, and areall near perishing—arrive at new providence—the author, after some time, sails from thenceto georgia—meets with another storm, and is obliged to put back and refit—arrivesat georgia—meets new impositions—two white

men attempt to kidnap him—officiates asa parson at a funeral ceremony—bids adieu to georgia, and sails for martinico. as i had now, by the death of my captain,lost my great benefactor and friend, i had little inducement to remain longer in thewest indies, except my gratitude to mr. king, which i thought i had pretty well dischargedin bringing back his vessel safe, and delivering his cargo to his satisfaction. i began to think of leaving this part of theworld, of which i had been long tired, and returning to england, where my heart had alwaysbeen; but mr. king still pressed me very much to stay with his vessel; and he had done somuch for me that i found myself unable to

refuse his requests, and consented to go anothervoyage to georgia, as the mate, from his ill state of health, was quite useless in thevessel. accordingly a new captain was appointed, whosename was william phillips, an old acquaintance of mine; and, having refitted our vessel,and taken several slaves on board, we set sail for st. eustatia, where we stayed buta few days; and on the 30th of january 1767 we steered for georgia. our new captain boasted strangely of his skillin navigating and conducting a vessel; and in consequence of this he steered a new course,several points more to the westward than we ever did before; this appeared to me veryextraordinary.

on the fourth of february, which was soonafter we had got into our new course, i dreamt the ship was wrecked amidst the surfs androcks, and that i was the means of saving every one on board; and on the night followingi dreamed the very same dream. these dreams however made no impression onmy mind; and the next evening, it being my watch below, i was pumping the vessel a littleafter eight o'clock, just before i went off the deck, as is the custom; and being wearywith the duty of the day, and tired at the pump, (for we made a good deal of water) ibegan to express my impatience, and i uttered with an oath, 'damn the vessel's bottom out.' but my conscience instantly smote me for theexpression.

when i left the deck i went to bed, and hadscarcely fallen asleep when i dreamed the same dream again about the ship that i haddreamt the two preceeding nights. at twelve o'clock the watch was changed; and,as i had always the charge of the captain's watch, i then went upon deck. at half after one in the morning the man atthe helm saw something under the lee-beam that the sea washed against, and he immediatelycalled to me that there was a grampus, and desired me to look at it. accordingly i stood up and observed it forsome time; but, when i saw the sea wash up against it again and again, i said it wasnot a fish but a rock.

being soon certain of this, i went down tothe captain, and, with some confusion, told him the danger we were in, and desired himto come upon deck immediately. he said it was very well, and i went up again. as soon as i was upon deck the wind, whichhad been pretty high, having abated a little, the vessel began to be carried sideways towardsthe rock, by means of the current. still the captain did not appear. i therefore went to him again, and told himthe vessel was then near a large rock, and desired he would come up with speed. he said he would, and i returned to the deck.

when i was upon the deck again i saw we werenot above a pistol shot from the rock, and i heard the noise of the breakers all aroundus. i was exceedingly alarmed at this; and thecaptain having not yet come on the deck i lost all patience; and, growing quite enraged,i ran down to him again, and asked him why he did not come up, and what he could meanby all this? 'the breakers,' said i, 'are round us, andthe vessel is almost on the rock.' with that he came on the deck with me, andwe tried to put the vessel about, and get her out of the current, but all to no purpose,the wind being very small. we then called all hands up immediately; andafter a little we got up one end of a cable,

and fastened it to the anchor. by this time the surf was foaming round us,and made a dreadful noise on the breakers, and the very moment we let the anchor go thevessel struck against the rocks. one swell now succeeded another, as it wereone wave calling on its fellow: the roaring of the billows increased, and, with one singleheave of the swells, the sloop was pierced and transfixed among the rocks! in a moment a scene of horror presented itselfto my mind, such as i never had conceived or experienced before. all my sins stared me in the face; and especially,i thought that god had hurled his direful

vengeance on my guilty head for cursing thevessel on which my life depended. my spirits at this forsook me, and i expectedevery moment to go to the bottom: i determined if i should still be saved that i would neverswear again. and in the midst of my distress, while thedreadful surfs were dashing with unremitting fury among the rocks, i remembered the lord,though fearful that i was undeserving of forgiveness, and i thought that as he had often deliveredhe might yet deliver; and, calling to mind the many mercies he had shewn me in timespast, they gave me some small hope that he might still help me. i then began to think how we might be saved;and i believe no mind was ever like mine so

replete with inventions and confused withschemes, though how to escape death i knew not. the captain immediately ordered the hatchesto be nailed down on the slaves in the hold, where there were above twenty, all of whommust unavoidably have perished if he had been obeyed. when he desired the man to nail down the hatchesi thought that my sin was the cause of this, and that god would charge me with these people'sblood. this thought rushed upon my mind that instantwith such violence, that it quite overpowered me, and i fainted.

i recovered just as the people were aboutto nail down the hatches; perceiving which, i desired them to stop. the captain then said it must be done: i askedhim why? he said that every one would endeavour toget into the boat, which was but small, and thereby we should be drowned; for it wouldnot have carried above ten at the most. i could no longer restrain my emotion, andi told him he deserved drowning for not knowing how to navigate the vessel; and i believethe people would have tossed him overboard if i had given them the least hint of it. however the hatches were not nailed down;and, as none of us could leave the vessel

then on account of the darkness, and as weknew not where to go, and were convinced besides that the boat could not survive the surfs,we all said we would remain on the dry part of the vessel, and trust to god till daylightappeared, when we should know better what to do. i then advised to get the boat prepared againstmorning, and some of us began to set about it; but some abandoned all care of the shipand themselves, and fell to drinking. our boat had a piece out of her bottom neartwo feet long, and we had no materials to mend her; however, necessity being the motherof invention, i took some pump leather and nailed it to the broken part, and plasteredit over with tallow-grease.

and, thus prepared, with the utmost anxietyof mind we watched for daylight, and thought every minute an hour till it appeared. at last it saluted our longing eyes, and kindprovidence accompanied its approach with what was no small comfort to us; for the dreadfulswell began to subside; and the next thing that we discovered to raise our drooping spirits,was a small key or island, about five or six miles off; but a barrier soon presented itself;for there was not water enough for our boat to go over the reefs, and this threw us againinto a sad consternation; but there was no alternative, we were therefore obliged toput but few in the boat at once; and, what is still worse, all of us were frequentlyunder the necessity of getting out to drag

and lift it over the reefs. this cost us much labour and fatigue; and,what was yet more distressing, we could not avoid having our legs cut and torn very muchwith the rocks. there were only four people that would workwith me at the oars; and they consisted of three black men and a dutch creole sailor;and, though we went with the boat five times that day, we had no others to assist us. but, had we not worked in this manner, i reallybelieve the people could not have been saved; for not one of the white men did any thingto preserve their lives; and indeed they soon got so drunk that they were not able, butlay about the deck like swine, so that we

were at last obliged to lift them into theboat and carry them on shore by force. this want of assistance made our labour intolerablysevere; insomuch, that, by putting on shore so often that day, the skin was entirely striptoff my hands. however, we continued all the day to toiland strain our exertions, till we had brought all on board safe to the shore; so that outof thirty-two people we lost not one. my dream now returned upon my mind with allits force; it was fulfilled in every part; for our danger was the same i had dreamt of:and i could not help looking on myself as the principal instrument in effecting ourdeliverance; for, owing to some of our people getting drunk, the rest of us were obligedto double our exertions; and it was fortunate

we did, for in a very little time longer thepatch of leather on the boat would have been worn out, and she would have been no longerfit for service. situated as we were, who could think thatmen should be so careless of the danger they were in? for, if the wind had but raised theswell as it was when the vessel struck, we must have bid a final farewell to all hopesof deliverance; and though, i warned the people who were drinking and entreated them to embracethe moment of deliverance, nevertheless they persisted, as if not possessed of the leastspark of reason. i could not help thinking, that, if any ofthese people had been lost, god would charge me with their lives, which, perhaps, was onecause of my labouring so hard for their preservation,

and indeed every one of them afterwards seemedso sensible of the service i had rendered them; and while we were on the key i was akind of chieftain amongst them. i brought some limes, oranges, and lemonsashore; and, finding it to be a good soil where we were, i planted several of them asa token to any one that might be cast away hereafter. this key, as we afterwards found, was oneof the bahama islands, which consist of a cluster of large islands, with smaller onesor keys, as they are called, interspersed among them. it was about a mile in circumference, witha white sandy beach running in a regular order

along it. on that part of it where we first attemptedto land there stood some very large birds, called flamingoes: these, from the reflectionof the sun, appeared to us at a little distance as large as men; and, when they walked backwardsand forwards, we could not conceive what they were: our captain swore they were cannibals. this created a great panic among us; and weheld a consultation how to act. the captain wanted to go to a key that waswithin sight, but a great way off; but i was against it, as in so doing we should not beable to save all the people; 'and therefore,' said i, 'let us go on shore here, and perhapsthese cannibals may take to the water.'

accordingly we steered towards them; and whenwe approached them, to our very great joy and no less wonder, they walked off one afterthe other very deliberately; and at last they took flight and relieved us entirely fromour fears. about the key there were turtles and severalsorts of fish in such abundance that we caught them without bait, which was a great reliefto us after the salt provisions on board. there was also a large rock on the beach,about ten feet high, which was in the form of a punch-bowl at the top; this we couldnot help thinking providence had ordained to supply us with rainwater; and it was somethingsingular that, if we did not take the water when it rained, in some little time afterit would turn as salt as sea-water.

our first care, after refreshment, was tomake ourselves tents to lodge in, which we did as well as we could with some sails wehad brought from the ship. we then began to think how we might get fromthis place, which was quite uninhabited; and we determined to repair our boat, which wasvery much shattered, and to put to sea in quest of a ship or some inhabited island. it took us up however eleven days before wecould get the boat ready for sea in the manner we wanted it, with a sail and other necessaries. when we had got all things prepared the captainwanted me to stay on shore while he went to sea in quest of a vessel to take all the peopleoff the key; but this i refused; and the captain

and myself, with five more, set off in theboat towards new providence. we had no more than two musket load of gunpowderwith us if any thing should happen; and our stock of provisions consisted of three gallonsof rum, four of water, some salt beef, some biscuit; and in this manner we proceeded tosea. on the second day of our voyage we came toan island called obbico, the largest of the bahama islands. we were much in want of water; for by thistime our water was expended, and we were exceedingly fatigued in pulling two days in the heat ofthe sun; and it being late in the evening, we hauled the boat ashore to try for waterand remain during the night: when we came

ashore we searched for water, but could findnone. when it was dark, we made a fire around usfor fear of the wild beasts, as the place was an entire thick wood, and we took it byturns to watch. in this situation we found very little rest,and waited with impatience for the morning. as soon as the light appeared we set off againwith our boat, in hopes of finding assistance during the day. we were now much dejected and weakened bypulling the boat; for our sail was of no use, and we were almost famished for want of freshwater to drink. we had nothing left to eat but salt beef,and that we could not use without water.

in this situation we toiled all day in sightof the island, which was very long; in the evening, seeing no relief, we made ashoreagain, and fastened our boat. we then went to look for fresh water, beingquite faint for the want of it; and we dug and searched about for some all the remainderof the evening, but could not find one drop, so that our dejection at this period becameexcessive, and our terror so great, that we expected nothing but death to deliver us. we could not touch our beef, which was assalt as brine, without fresh water; and we were in the greatest terror from the apprehensionof wild beasts. when unwelcome night came we acted as on thenight before; and the next morning we set

off again from the island in hopes of seeingsome vessel. in this manner we toiled as well as we wereable till four o'clock, during which we passed several keys, but could not meet with a ship;and, still famishing with thirst, went ashore on one of those keys again in hopes of findingsome water. here we found some leaves with a few dropsof water in them, which we lapped with much eagerness; we then dug in several places,but without success. as we were digging holes in search of waterthere came forth some very thick and black stuff; but none of us could touch it, exceptthe poor dutch creole, who drank above a quart of it as eagerly as if it had been wine.

we tried to catch fish, but could not; andwe now began to repine at our fate, and abandon ourselves to despair; when, in the midst ofour murmuring, the captain all at once cried out 'a sail! a sail! a sail!' this gladdening sound was like a reprieveto a convict, and we all instantly turned to look at it; but in a little time some ofus began to be afraid it was not a sail. however, at a venture, we embarked and steeredafter it; and, in half an hour, to our unspeakable joy, we plainly saw that it was a vessel. at this our drooping spirits revived, andwe made towards her with all the speed imaginable. when we came near to her, we found she wasa little sloop, about the size of a gravesend

hoy, and quite full of people; a circumstancewhich we could not make out the meaning of. our captain, who was a welchman, swore thatthey were pirates, and would kill us. i said, be that as it might, we must boardher if we were to die for it; and, if they should not receive us kindly, we must opposethem as well as we could; for there was no alternative between their perishing and ours. this counsel was immediately taken; and ireally believe that the captain, myself, and the dutchman, would then have faced twentymen. we had two cutlasses and a musquet, that ibrought in the boat; and, in this situation, we rowed alongside, and immediately boardedher.

i believe there were about forty hands onboard; but how great was our surprise, as soon as we got on board, to find that themajor part of them were in the same predicament as ourselves! they belonged to a whaling schooner that waswrecked two days before us about nine miles to the north of our vessel. when she was wrecked some of them had takento their boats and had left some of their people and property on a key, in the samemanner as we had done; and were going, like us, to new providence in quest of a ship,when they met with this little sloop, called a wrecker; their employment in those seasbeing to look after wrecks.

they were then going to take the remainderof the people belonging to the schooner; for which the wrecker was to have all things belongingto the vessel, and likewise their people's help to get what they could out of her, andwere then to carry the crew to new providence. we told the people of the wrecker the conditionof our vessel, and we made the same agreement with them as the schooner's people; and, ontheir complying, we begged of them to go to our key directly, because our people werein want of water. they agreed, therefore, to go along with usfirst; and in two days we arrived at the key, to the inexpressible joy of the people thatwe had left behind, as they had been reduced to great extremities for want of water inour absence.

luckily for us, the wrecker had now more peopleon board than she could carry or victual for any moderate length of time; they thereforehired the schooner's people to work on our wreck, and we left them our boat, and embarkedfor new providence. nothing could have been more fortunate thanour meeting with this wrecker, for new providence was at such a distance that we never couldhave reached it in our boat. the island of abbico was much longer thanwe expected; and it was not till after sailing for three or four days that we got safe tothe farther end of it, towards new providence. when we arrived there we watered, and gota good many lobsters and other shellfish; which proved a great relief to us, as ourprovisions and water were almost exhausted.

we then proceeded on our voyage; but the dayafter we left the island, late in the evening, and whilst we were yet amongst the bahamakeys, we were overtaken by a violent gale of wind, so that we were obliged to cut awaythe mast. the vessel was very near foundering; for sheparted from her anchors, and struck several times on the shoals. here we expected every minute that she wouldhave gone to pieces, and each moment to be our last; so much so that my old captain andsickly useless mate, and several others, fainted; and death stared us in the face on every side. all the swearers on board now began to callon the god of heaven to assist them: and,

sure enough, beyond our comprehension he didassist us, and in a miraculous manner delivered us! in the very height of our extremity the windlulled for a few minutes; and, although the swell was high beyond expression, two men,who were expert swimmers, attempted to go to the buoy of the anchor, which we stillsaw on the water, at some distance, in a little punt that belonged to the wrecker, which wasnot large enough to carry more than two. she filled different times in their endeavoursto get into her alongside of our vessel; and they saw nothing but death before them, aswell as we; but they said they might as well die that way as any other.

a coil of very small rope, with a little buoy,was put in along with them; and, at last, with great hazard, they got the punt clearfrom the vessel; and these two intrepid water heroes paddled away for life towards the buoyof the anchor. the eyes of us all were fixed on them allthe time, expecting every minute to be their last: and the prayers of all those that remainedin their senses were offered up to god, on their behalf, for a speedy deliverance; andfor our own, which depended on them; and he heard and answered us! these two men at last reached the buoy; and,having fastened the punt to it, they tied one end of their rope to the small buoy thatthey had in the punt, and sent it adrift towards

we on board observing this threw out boat-hooksand leads fastened to lines, in order to catch the buoy: at last we caught it, and fasteneda hawser to the end of the small rope; we then gave them a sign to pull, and they pulledthe hawser to them, and fastened it to the buoy: which being done we hauled for our lives;and, through the mercy of god, we got again from the shoals into deep water, and the puntgot safe to the vessel. it is impossible for any to conceive our heartfeltjoy at this second deliverance from ruin, but those who have suffered the same hardships. those whose strength and senses were gonecame to themselves, and were now as elated as they were before depressed.

two days after this the wind ceased, and thewater became smooth. the punt then went on shore, and we cut downsome trees; and having found our mast and mended it we brought it on board, and fixedit up. as soon as we had done this we got up theanchor, and away we went once more for new providence, which in three days more we reachedsafe, after having been above three weeks in a situation in which we did not expectto escape with life. the inhabitants here were very kind to us;and, when they learned our situation, shewed us a great deal of hospitality and friendship. soon after this every one of my old fellow-sufferersthat were free parted from us, and shaped

their course where their inclination led them. one merchant, who had a large sloop, seeingour condition, and knowing we wanted to go to georgia, told four of us that his vesselwas going there; and, if we would work on board and load her, he would give us our passagefree. as we could not get any wages whatever, andfound it very hard to get off the place, we were obliged to consent to his proposal; andwe went on board and helped to load the sloop, though we had only our victuals allowed us. when she was entirely loaded he told us shewas going to jamaica first, where we must go if we went in her.

this, however, i refused; but my fellow-sufferersnot having any money to help themselves with, necessity obliged them to accept of the offer,and to steer that course, though they did not like it. we stayed in new providence about seventeenor eighteen days; during which time i met with many friends, who gave me encouragementto stay there with them: but i declined it; though, had not my heart been fixed on england,i should have stayed, as i liked the place extremely, and there were some free blackpeople here who were very happy, and we passed our time pleasantly together, with the melodioussound of the catguts, under the lime and lemon trees.

at length captain phillips hired a sloop tocarry him and some of the slaves that he could not sell to georgia; and i agreed to go withhim in this vessel, meaning now to take my farewell of that place. when the vessel was ready we all embarked;and i took my leave of new providence, not without regret. we sailed about four o'clock in the morning,with a fair wind, for georgia; and about eleven o'clock the same morning a short and suddengale sprung up and blew away most of our sails; and, as we were still amongst the keys, ina very few minutes it dashed the sloop against the rocks.

luckily for us the water was deep; and thesea was not so angry but that, after having for some time laboured hard, and being manyin number, we were saved through god's mercy; and, by using our greatest exertions, we gotthe vessel off. the next day we returned to providence, wherewe soon got her again refitted. some of the people swore that we had spellsset upon us by somebody in montserrat; and others that we had witches and wizzards amongstthe poor helpless slaves; and that we never should arrive safe at georgia. but these things did not deter me; i said,'let us again face the winds and seas, and swear not, but trust to god, and he will deliverus.'

we therefore once more set sail; and, withhard labour, in seven day's time arrived safe at georgia. after our arrival we went up to the town ofsavannah; and the same evening i went to a friend's house to lodge, whose name was mosa,a black man. we were very happy at meeting each other;and after supper we had a light till it was between nine and ten o'clock at night. about that time the watch or patrol came by;and, discerning a light in the house, they knocked at the door: we opened it; and theycame in and sat down, and drank some punch with us: they also begged some limes of me,as they understood i had some, which i readily

gave them. a little after this they told me i must goto the watch-house with them: this surprised me a good deal, after our kindness to them;and i asked them, why so? they said that all negroes who had light intheir houses after nine o'clock were to be taken into custody, and either pay some dollarsor be flogged. some of those people knew that i was a freeman; but, as the man of the house was not free, and had his master to protect him, theydid not take the same liberty with him they did with me. i told them that i was a free man, and justarrived from providence; that we were not

making any noise, and that i was not a strangerin that place, but was very well known there: 'besides,' said i, 'what will you do withme?'—'that you shall see,' replied they, 'but you must go to the watch-house with us.' now whether they meant to get money from meor not i was at a loss to know; but i thought immediately of the oranges and limes at santacruz: and seeing that nothing would pacify them i went with them to the watch-house,where i remained during the night. early the the next morning these imposingruffians flogged a negro-man and woman that they had in the watch-house, and then theytold me that i must be flogged too. i asked why? and if there was no law for freemen?

and told them if there was i would have itput in force against them. but this only exasperated them the more; andinstantly they swore they would serve me as doctor perkins had done; and they were goingto lay violent hands on me; when one of them, more humane than the rest, said that as iwas a free man they could not justify stripping me by law. i then immediately sent for doctor brady,who was known to be an honest and worthy man; and on his coming to my assistance they letme go. this was not the only disagreeable incidenti met with while i was in this place; for, one day, while i was a little way out of thetown of savannah, i was beset by two white

men, who meant to play their usual trickswith me in the way of kidnapping. as soon as these men accosted me, one of themsaid to the other, 'this is the very fellow we are looking for that you lost:' and theother swore immediately that i was the identical person. on this they made up to me, and were aboutto handle me; but i told them to be still and keep off; for i had seen those kind oftricks played upon other free blacks, and they must not think to serve me so. at this they paused a little, and one saidto the other—it will not do; and the other answered that i talked too good english.

i replied, i believed i did; and i had alsowith me a revengeful stick equal to the occasion; and my mind was likewise good. happily however it was not used; and, afterwe had talked together a little in this manner, the rogues left me. i stayed in savannah some time, anxiouslytrying to get to montserrat once more to see mr. king, my old master, and then to takea final farewell of the american quarter of the globe. at last i met with a sloop called the speedwell,captain john bunton, which belonged to grenada, and was bound to martinico, a french island,with a cargo of rice, and i shipped myself

on board of her. before i left georgia a black woman, who hada child lying dead, being very tenacious of the church burial service, and not able toget any white person to perform it, applied to me for that purpose. i told her i was no parson; and besides, thatthe service over the dead did not affect the soul. this however did not satisfy her; she stillurged me very hard: i therefore complied with her earnest entreaties, and at last consentedto act the parson for the first time in my life.

as she was much respected, there was a greatcompany both of white and black people at the grave. i then accordingly assumed my new vocation,and performed the funeral ceremony to the satisfaction of all present; after which ibade adieu to georgia, and sailed for martinico. ix the author arrives at martinico—meets with new difficulties—gets to montserrat, where hetakes leave of his old master, and sails for england—meets capt. pascal—learns thefrench horn—hires himself with doctor irving, where he learns to freshen sea water—leavesthe doctor, and goes a voyage to turkey and

portugal; and afterwards goes a voyage togrenada, and another to jamaica—returns to the doctor, and they embark together ona voyage to the north pole, with the hon. capt. phipps—some account of that voyage,and the dangers the author was in—he returns to england. i thus took a final leave of georgia; forthe treatment i had received in it disgusted me very much against the place; and when ileft it and sailed for martinico i determined never more to revisit it. my new captain conducted his vessel saferthan my former one; and, after an agreeable voyage, we got safe to our intended port.

while i was on this island i went about agood deal, and found it very pleasant: in particular i admired the town of st. pierre,which is the principal one in the island, and built more like an european town thanany i had seen in the west indies. in general also, slaves were better treated,had more holidays, and looked better than those in the english islands. after we had done our business here, i wantedmy discharge, which was necessary; for it was then the month of may, and i wished muchto be at montserrat to bid farewell to mr. king, and all my other friends there, in timeto sail for old england in the july fleet. but, alas!

i had put a great stumbling block in my ownway, by which i was near losing my passage that season to england. i had lent my captain some money, which inow wanted to enable me to prosecute my intentions. this i told him; but when i applied for it,though i urged the necessity of my occasion, i met with so much shuffling from him, thati began at last to be afraid of losing my money, as i could not recover it by law: fori have already mentioned, that throughout the west indies no black man's testimony isadmitted, on any occasion, against any white person whatever, and therefore my own oathwould have been of no use. i was obliged, therefore, to remain with himtill he might be disposed to return it to

thus we sailed from martinico for the grenades. i frequently pressing the captain for my moneyto no purpose; and, to render my condition worse, when we got there, the captain andhis owners quarrelled; so that my situation became daily more irksome: for besides thatwe on board had little or no victuals allowed us, and i could not get my money nor wages,i could then have gotten my passage free to montserrat had i been able to accept it. the worst of all was, that it was growinglate in july, and the ships in the islands must sail by the 26th of that month. at last, however, with a great many entreaties,i got my money from the captain, and took

the first vessel i could meet with for st.eustatia. from thence i went in another to basseterrein st. kitts, where i arrived on the 19th of july. on the 22d, having met with a vessel boundto montserrat, i wanted to go in her; but the captain and others would not take me onboard until i should advertise myself, and give notice of my going off the island. i told them of my haste to be in montserrat,and that the time then would not admit of advertising, it being late in the evening,and the captain about to sail; but he insisted it was necessary, and otherwise he said hewould not take me.

this reduced me to great perplexity; for ifi should be compelled to submit to this degrading necessity, which every black freeman is under,of advertising himself like a slave, when he leaves an island, and which i thought agross imposition upon any freeman, i feared i should miss that opportunity of going tomontserrat, and then i could not get to england that year. the vessel was just going off, and no timecould be lost; i immediately therefore set about, with a heavy heart, to try who i couldget to befriend me in complying with the demands of the captain. luckily i found, in a few minutes, some gentlemenof montserrat whom i knew; and, having told

them my situation, i requested their friendlyassistance in helping me off the island. some of them, on this, went with me to thecaptain, and satisfied him of my freedom; and, to my very great joy, he desired me togo on board. we then set sail, and the next day, the 23d,i arrived at the wished-for place, after an absence of six months, in which i had morethan once experienced the delivering hand of providence, when all human means of escapingdestruction seemed hopeless. i saw my friends with a gladness of heartwhich was increased by my absence and the dangers i had escaped, and i was receivedwith great friendship by them all, but particularly by mr. king, to whom i related the fate ofhis sloop, the nancy, and the causes of her

being wrecked. i now learned with extreme sorrow, that hishouse was washed away during my absence, by the bursting of a pond at the top of a mountainthat was opposite the town of plymouth. it swept great part of the town away, andmr. king lost a great deal of property from the inundation, and nearly his life. when i told him i intended to go to londonthat season, and that i had come to visit him before my departure, the good man expresseda great deal of affection for me, and sorrow that i should leave him, and warmly advisedme to stay there; insisting, as i was much respected by all the gentlemen in the place,that i might do very well, and in a short

time have land and slaves of my own. i thanked him for this instance of his friendship;but, as i wished very much to be in london, i declined remaining any longer there, andbegged he would excuse me. i then requested he would be kind enough togive me a certificate of my behaviour while in his service, which he very readily compliedwith, and gave me the following: montserrat, january 26, 1767. 'the bearer hereof, gustavus vassa, was myslave for upwards of three years, during which he has always behaved himself well, and dischargedhis duty with honesty and assiduity. 'to all whom this may concern.'

having obtained this, i parted from my kindmaster, after many sincere professions of gratitude and regard, and prepared for mydeparture for london. i immediately agreed to go with one capt.john hamer, for seven guineas, the passage to london, on board a ship called the andromache;and on the 24th and 25th i had free dances, as they are called, with some of my countrymen,previous to my setting off; after which i took leave of all my friends, and on the 26thi embarked for london, exceedingly glad to see myself once more on board of a ship; andstill more so, in steering the course i had long wished for. with a light heart i bade montserrat farewell,and never had my feet on it since; and with

it i bade adieu to the sound of the cruelwhip, and all other dreadful instruments of torture; adieu to the offensive sight of theviolated chastity of the sable females, which has too often accosted my eyes; adieu to oppressions(although to me less severe than most of my countrymen); and adieu to the angry howling,dashing surfs. i wished for a grateful and thankful heartto praise the lord god on high for all his mercies! we had a most prosperous voyage, and, at theend of seven weeks, arrived at cherry-garden stairs. thus were my longing eyes once more gratifiedwith a sight of london, after having been

absent from it above four years. i immediately received my wages, and i neverhad earned seven guineas so quick in my life before; i had thirty-seven guineas in all,when i got cleared of the ship. i now entered upon a scene, quite new to me,but full of hope. in this situation my first thoughts were tolook out for some of my former friends, and amongst the first of those were the miss guerins. as soon, therefore, as i had regaled myselfi went in quest of those kind ladies, whom i was very impatient to see; and with somedifficulty and perseverance, i found them at may's-hill, greenwich.

they were most agreeably surprised to seeme, and i quite overjoyed at meeting with i told them my history, at which they expressedgreat wonder, and freely acknowledged it did their cousin, capt. pascal, no honour. he then visited there frequently; and i methim four or five days after in greenwich park. when he saw me he appeared a good deal surprised,and asked me how i came back? i answered, 'in a ship.' to which he replied dryly, 'i suppose youdid not walk back to london on the water.' as i saw, by his manner, that he did not seemto be sorry for his behaviour to me, and that i had not much reason to expect any favourfrom him, i told him that he had used me very

ill, after i had been such a faithful servantto him for so many years; on which, without saying any more, he turned about and wentaway. a few days after this i met capt. pascal atmiss guerin's house, and asked him for my prize-money. he said there was none due to me; for, ifmy prize money had been 10,000 â£. he had a right to it all. i told him i was informed otherwise; on whichhe bade me defiance; and, in a bantering tone, desired me to commence a lawsuit against himfor it: 'there are lawyers enough,' said he,'that will take the cause in hand, and you had bettertry it.'

i told him then that i would try it, whichenraged him very much; however, out of regard to the ladies, i remained still, and nevermade any farther demand of my right. some time afterwards these friendly ladiesasked me what i meant to do with myself, and how they could assist me. i thanked them, and said, if they pleased,i would be their servant; but if not, as i had thirty-seven guineas, which would supportme for some time, i would be much obliged to them to recommend me to some person whowould teach me a business whereby i might earn my living. they answered me very politely, that theywere sorry it did not suit them to take me

as their servant, and asked me what businessi should like to learn? i said, hair-dressing. they then promised to assist me in this; andsoon after they recommended me to a gentleman whom i had known before, one capt. o'hara,who treated me with much kindness, and procured me a master, a hair-dresser, in coventry-court,haymarket, with whom he placed me. i was with this man from september till thefebruary following. in that time we had a neighbour in the samecourt who taught the french horn. he used to blow it so well that i was charmedwith it, and agreed with him to teach me to blow it.

accordingly he took me in hand, and beganto instruct me, and i soon learned all the three parts. i took great delight in blowing on this instrument,the evenings being long; and besides that i was fond of it, i did not like to be idle,and it filled up my vacant hours innocently. at this time also i agreed with the rev. mr.gregory, who lived in the same court, where he kept an academy and an evening-school,to improve me in arithmetic. this he did as far as barter and alligation;so that all the time i was there i was entirely employed. in february 1768 i hired myself to dr. charlesirving, in pall-mall, so celebrated for his

successful experiments in making sea waterfresh; and here i had plenty of hair-dressing to improve my hand. this gentleman was an excellent master; hewas exceedingly kind and good tempered; and allowed me in the evenings to attend my schools,which i esteemed a great blessing; therefore i thanked god and him for it, and used allmy diligence to improve the opportunity. this diligence and attention recommended meto the notice and care of my three preceptors, who on their parts bestowed a great deal ofpains in my instruction, and besides were all very kind to me. my wages, however, which were by two thirdsless than i ever had in my life (for i had

only 12l. per annum) i soon found would notbe sufficient to defray this extraordinary expense of masters, and my own necessary expenses;my old thirty-seven guineas had by this time worn all away to one. i thought it best, therefore, to try the seaagain in quest of more money, as i had been bred to it, and had hitherto found the professionof it successful. i had also a very great desire to see turkey,and i now determined to gratify it. accordingly, in the month of may, 1768, itold the doctor my wish to go to sea again, to which he made no opposition; and we partedon friendly terms. the same day i went into the city in questof a master.

i was extremely fortunate in my inquiry; fori soon heard of a gentleman who had a ship going to italy and turkey, and he wanted aman who could dress hair well. i was overjoyed at this, and went immediatelyon board of his ship, as i had been directed, which i found to be fitted up with great taste,and i already foreboded no small pleasure in sailing in her. not finding the gentleman on board, i wasdirected to his lodgings, where i met with him the next day, and gave him a specimenof my dressing. he liked it so well that he hired me immediately,so that i was perfectly happy; for the ship, master, and voyage, were entirely to my mind.

the ship was called the delawar, and my master'sname was john jolly, a neat smart good humoured man, just such an one as i wished to serve. we sailed from england in july following,and our voyage was extremely pleasant. we went to villa franca, nice, and leghorn;and in all these places i was charmed with the richness and beauty of the countries,and struck with the elegant buildings with which they abound. we had always in them plenty of extraordinarygood wines and rich fruits, which i was very fond of; and i had frequent occasions of gratifyingboth my taste and curiosity; for my captain always lodged on shore in those places, whichafforded me opportunities to see the country

around. i also learned navigation of the mate, whichi was very fond of. when we left italy we had delightful sailingamong the archipelago islands, and from thence to smyrna in turkey. this is a very ancient city; the houses arebuilt of stone, and most of them have graves adjoining to them; so that they sometimespresent the appearance of church-yards. provisions are very plentiful in this city,and good wine less than a penny a pint. the grapes, pomegranates, and many other fruits,were also the richest and largest i ever tasted. the natives are well looking and strong made,and treated me always with great civility.

in general i believe they are fond of blackpeople; and several of them gave me pressing invitations to stay amongst them, althoughthey keep the franks, or christians, separate, and do not suffer them to dwell immediatelyamongst them. i was astonished in not seeing women in anyof their shops, and very rarely any in the streets; and whenever i did they were coveredwith a veil from head to foot, so that i could not see their faces, except when any of themout of curiosity uncovered them to look at me, which they sometimes did. i was surprised to see how the greeks are,in some measure, kept under by the turks, as the negroes are in the west indies by thewhite people.

the less refined greeks, as i have alreadyhinted, dance here in the same manner as we do in my nation. on the whole, during our stay here, whichwas about five months, i liked the place and the turks extremely well. i could not help observing one very remarkablecircumstance there: the tails of the sheep are flat, and so very large, that i have knownthe tail even of a lamb to weigh from eleven to thirteen pounds. the fat of them is very white and rich, andis excellent in puddings, for which it is much used.

our ship being at length richly loaded withsilk, and other articles, we sailed for england. in may 1769, soon after our return from turkey,our ship made a delightful voyage to oporto in portugal, where we arrived at the timeof the carnival. on our arrival, there were sent on board tous thirty-six articles to observe, with very heavy penalties if we should break any ofthem; and none of us even dared to go on board any other vessel or on shore till the inquisitionhad sent on board and searched for every thing illegal, especially bibles. such as were produced, and certain other things,were sent on shore till the ships were going away; and any person in whose custody a biblewas found concealed was to be imprisoned and

flogged, and sent into slavery for ten years. i saw here many very magnificent sights, particularlythe garden of eden, where many of the clergy and laity went in procession in their severalorders with the host, and sung te deum. i had a great curiosity to go into some oftheir churches, but could not gain admittance without using the necessary sprinkling ofholy water at my entrance. from curiosity, and a wish to be holy, i thereforecomplied with this ceremony, but its virtues were lost on me, for i found myself nothingthe better for it. this place abounds with plenty of all kindsof provisions. the town is well built and pretty, and commandsa fine prospect.

our ship having taken in a load of wine, andother commodities, we sailed for london, and arrived in july following. our next voyage was to the mediterranean. the ship was again got ready, and we sailedin september for genoa. this is one of the finest cities i ever saw;some of the edifices were of beautiful marble, and made a most noble appearance; and manyhad very curious fountains before them. the churches were rich and magnificent, andcuriously adorned both in the inside and out. but all this grandeur was in my eyes disgracedby the galley slaves, whose condition both there and in other parts of italy is trulypiteous and wretched.

after we had stayed there some weeks, duringwhich we bought many different things which we wanted, and got them very cheap, we sailedto naples, a charming city, and remarkably clean. the bay is the most beautiful i ever saw;the moles for shipping are excellent. i thought it extraordinary to see grand operasacted here on sunday nights, and even attended by their majesties. i too, like these great ones, went to thosesights, and vainly served god in the day while i thus served mammon effectually at night. while we remained here there happened an eruptionof mount vesuvius, of which i had a perfect

view. it was extremely awful; and we were so nearthat the ashes from it used to be thick on our deck. after we had transacted our business at napleswe sailed with a fair wind once more for smyrna, where we arrived in december. a seraskier or officer took a liking to mehere, and wanted me to stay, and offered me two wives; however i refused the temptation. the merchants here travel in caravans or largecompanies. i have seen many caravans from india, withsome hundreds of camels, laden with different

goods. the people of these caravans are quite brown. among other articles, they brought with thema great quantity of locusts, which are a kind of pulse, sweet and pleasant to the palate,and in shape resembling french beans, but longer. each kind of goods is sold in a street byitself, and i always found the turks very honest in their dealings. they let no christians into their mosquesor churches, for which i was very sorry; as i was always fond of going to see the differentmodes of worship of the people wherever i

went. the plague broke out while we were in smyrna,and we stopped taking goods into the ship till it was over. she was then richly laden, and we sailed inabout march 1770 for england. one day in our passage we met with an accidentwhich was near burning the ship. a black cook, in melting some fat, oversetthe pan into the fire under the deck, which immediately began to blaze, and the flamewent up very high under the foretop. with the fright the poor cook became almostwhite, and altogether speechless. happily however we got the fire out withoutdoing much mischief.

after various delays in this passage, whichwas tedious, we arrived in standgate creek in july; and, at the latter end of the year,some new event occurred, so that my noble captain, the ship, and i all separated. in april 1771 i shipped myself as a stewardwith capt. wm. robertson of the ship grenada planter, once more to try my fortune in thewest indies; and we sailed from london for madeira, barbadoes, and the grenades. when we were at this last place, having somegoods to sell, i met once more with my former kind of west india customers. a white man, an islander, bought some goodsof me to the amount of some pounds, and made

me many fair promises as usual, but withoutany intention of paying me. he had likewise bought goods from some moreof our people, whom he intended to serve in the same manner; but he still amused us withpromises. however, when our ship was loaded, and nearsailing, this honest buyer discovered no intention or sign of paying for any thing he had boughtof us; but on the contrary, when i asked him for my money he threatened me and anotherblack man he had bought goods of, so that we found we were like to get more blows thanpayment. on this we went to complain to one mr. m'intosh,a justice of the peace; we told his worship of the man's villainous tricks, and beggedthat he would be kind enough to see us redressed:

but being negroes, although free, we couldnot get any remedy; and our ship being then just upon the point of sailing, we knew nothow to help ourselves, though we thought it hard to lose our property in this manner. luckily for us however, this man was alsoindebted to three white sailors, who could not get a farthing from him; they thereforereadily joined us, and we all went together in search of him. when we found where he was, i took him outof a house and threatened him with vengeance; on which, finding he was likely to be handledroughly, the rogue offered each of us some small allowance, but nothing near our demands.

this exasperated us much more; and some werefor cutting his ears off; but he begged hard for mercy, which was at last granted him,after we had entirely stripped him. we then let him go, for which he thanked us,glad to get off so easily, and ran into the bushes, after having wished us a good voyage. we then repaired on board, and shortly afterset sail for england. i cannot help remarking here a very narrowescape we had from being blown up, owing to a piece of negligence of mine. just as our ship was under sail, i went downinto the cabin to do some business, and had a lighted candle in my hand, which, in myhurry, without thinking, i held in a barrel

of gunpowder. it remained in the powder until it was nearcatching fire, when fortunately i observed it and snatched it out in time, and providentiallyno harm happened; but i was so overcome with terror that i immediately fainted at thisdeliverance. in twenty-eight days time we arrived in england,and i got clear of this ship. but, being still of a roving disposition,and desirous of seeing as many different parts of the world as i could, i shipped myselfsoon after, in the same year, as steward on board of a fine large ship, called the jamaica,captain david watt; and we sailed from england in december 1771 for nevis and jamaica.

i found jamaica to be a very fine large island,well peopled, and the most considerable of the west india islands. there was a vast number of negroes here, whomi found as usual exceedingly imposed upon by the white people, and the slaves punishedas in the other islands. there are negroes whose business it is toflog slaves; they go about to different people for employment, and the usual pay is fromone to four bits. i saw many cruel punishments inflicted onthe slaves in the short time i stayed here. in particular i was present when a poor fellowwas tied up and kept hanging by the wrists at some distance from the ground, and thensome half hundred weights were fixed to his

ancles, in which posture he was flogged mostunmercifully. there were also, as i heard, two differentmasters noted for cruelty on the island, who had staked up two negroes naked, and in twohours the vermin stung them to death. i heard a gentleman i well knew tell my captainthat he passed sentence on a negro man to be burnt alive for attempting to poison anoverseer. i pass over numerous other instances, in orderto relieve the reader by a milder scene of roguery. before i had been long on the island, onemr. smith at port morant bought goods of me to the amount of twenty-five pounds sterling;but when i demanded payment from him, he was

going each time to beat me, and threatenedthat he would put me in goal. one time he would say i was going to set hishouse on fire, at another he would swear i was going to run away with his slaves. i was astonished at this usage from a personwho was in the situation of a gentleman, but i had no alternative; i was therefore obligedto submit. when i came to kingston, i was surprised tosee the number of africans who were assembled together on sundays; particularly at a largecommodious place, called spring path. here each different nation of africa meetand dance after the manner of their own country. they still retain most of their native customs:they bury their dead, and put victuals, pipes

and tobacco, and other things, in the gravewith the corps, in the same manner as in africa. our ship having got her loading we sailedfor london, where we arrived in the august following. on my return to london, i waited on my oldand good master, dr. irving, who made me an offer of his service again. being now tired of the sea i gladly acceptedit. i was very happy in living with this gentlemanonce more; during which time we were daily employed in reducing old neptune's dominionsby purifying the briny element and making it fresh.

thus i went on till may 1773, when i was rousedby the sound of fame, to seek new adventures, and to find, towards the north pole, whatour creator never intended we should, a passage to india. an expedition was now fitting out to explorea north-east passage, conducted by the honourable john constantine phipps, since lord mulgrave,in his majesty's sloop of war the race horse. my master being anxious for the reputationof this adventure, we therefore prepared every thing for our voyage, and i attended him onboard the race horse, the 24th day of may 1773. we proceeded to sheerness, where we were joinedby his majesty's sloop the carcass, commanded

by captain lutwidge. on the 4th of june we sailed towards our destinedplace, the pole; and on the 15th of the same month we were off shetland. on this day i had a great and unexpected deliverancefrom an accident which was near blowing up the ship and destroying the crew, which mademe ever after during the voyage uncommonly cautious. the ship was so filled that there was verylittle room on board for any one, which placed me in a very aukward situation. i had resolved to keep a journal of this singularand interesting voyage; and i had no other

place for this purpose but a little cabin,or the doctor's store-room, where i slept. this little place was stuffed with all mannerof combustibles, particularly with tow and aquafortis, and many other dangerous things. unfortunately it happened in the evening asi was writing my journal, that i had occasion to take the candle out of the lanthorn, anda spark having touched a single thread of the tow, all the rest caught the flame, andimmediately the whole was in a blaze. i saw nothing but present death before me,and expected to be the first to perish in the flames. in a moment the alarm was spread, and manypeople who were near ran to assist in putting

out the fire. all this time i was in the very midst of theflames; my shirt, and the handkerchief on my neck, were burnt, and i was almost smotheredwith the smoke. however, through god's mercy, as i was nearlygiving up all hopes, some people brought blankets and mattresses and threw them on the flames,by which means in a short time the fire was put out. i was severely reprimanded and menaced bysuch of the officers who knew it, and strictly charged never more to go there with a light:and, indeed, even my own fears made me give heed to this command for a little time; butat last, not being able to write my journal

in any other part of the ship, i was temptedagain to venture by stealth with a light in the same cabin, though not without considerablefear and dread on my mind. on the 20th of june we began to use dr. irving'sapparatus for making salt water fresh; i used to attend the distillery: i frequently purifiedfrom twenty-six to forty gallons a day. the water thus distilled was perfectly pure,well tasted, and free from salt; and was used on various occasions on board the ship. on the 28th of june, being in lat. 78, wemade greenland, where i was surprised to see the sun did not set. the weather now became extremely cold; andas we sailed between north and east, which

was our course, we saw many very high andcurious mountains of ice; and also a great number of very large whales, which used tocome close to our ship, and blow the water up to a very great height in the air. one morning we had vast quantities of sea-horsesabout the ship, which neighed exactly like any other horses. we fired some harpoon guns amongst them, inorder to take some, but we could not get any. the 30th, the captain of a greenland shipcame on board, and told us of three ships that were lost in the ice; however we stillheld on our course till july the 11th, when we were stopt by one compact impenetrablebody of ice.

we ran along it from east to west above tendegrees; and on the 27th we got as far north as 80, 37; and in 19 or 20 degrees east longitudefrom london. on the 29th and 30th of july we saw one continuedplain of smooth unbroken ice, bounded only by the horizon; and we fastened to a pieceof ice that was eight yards eleven inches thick. we had generally sunshine, and constant daylight;which gave cheerfulness and novelty to the whole of this striking, grand, and uncommonscene; and, to heighten it still more, the reflection of the sun from the ice gave theclouds a most beautiful appearance. we killed many different animals at this time,and among the rest nine bears.

though they had nothing in their paunchesbut water yet they were all very fat. we used to decoy them to the ship sometimesby burning feathers or skins. i thought them coarse eating, but some ofthe ship's company relished them very much. some of our people once, in the boat, firedat and wounded a sea-horse, which dived immediately; and, in a little time after, brought up withit a number of others. they all joined in an attack upon the boat,and were with difficulty prevented from staving or oversetting her; but a boat from the carcasshaving come to assist ours, and joined it, they dispersed, after having wrested an oarfrom one of the men. one of the ship's boats had before been attackedin the same manner, but happily no harm was

done. though we wounded several of these animalswe never got but one. we remained hereabouts until the 1st of august;when the two ships got completely fastened in the ice, occasioned by the loose ice thatset in from the sea. this made our situation very dreadful andalarming; so that on the 7th day we were in very great apprehension of having the shipssqueezed to pieces. the officers now held a council to know whatwas best for us to do in order to save our lives; and it was determined that we shouldendeavour to escape by dragging our boats along the ice towards the sea; which, however,was farther off than any of us thought.

this determination filled us with extremedejection, and confounded us with despair; for we had very little prospect of escapingwith life. however, we sawed some of the ice about theships to keep it from hurting them; and thus kept them in a kind of pond. we then began to drag the boats as well aswe could towards the sea; but, after two or three days labour, we made very little progress;so that some of our hearts totally failed us, and i really began to give up myself forlost, when i saw our surrounding calamities. while we were at this hard labour i once fellinto a pond we had made amongst some loose ice, and was very near being drowned; butprovidentially some people were near who gave

me immediate assistance, and thereby i escapeddrowning. our deplorable condition, which kept up theconstant apprehension of our perishing in the ice, brought me gradually to think ofeternity in such a manner as i never had done before. i had the fears of death hourly upon me, andshuddered at the thoughts of meeting the grim king of terrors in the natural state i thenwas in, and was exceedingly doubtful of a happy eternity if i should die in it. i had no hopes of my life being prolongedfor any time; for we saw that our existence could not be long on the ice after leavingthe ships, which were now out of sight, and

some miles from the boats. our appearance now became truly lamentable;pale dejection seized every countenance; many, who had been before blasphemers, in this ourdistress began to call on the good god of heaven for his help; and in the time of ourutter need he heard us, and against hope or human probability delivered us! it was the eleventh day of the ships beingthus fastened, and the fourth of our drawing the boats in this manner, that the wind changedto the e.n.e. the weather immediately became mild, and theice broke towards the sea, which was to the s.w. of us.

many of us on this got on board again, andwith all our might we hove the ships into every open water we could find, and made allthe sail on them in our power; and now, having a prospect of success, we made signals forthe boats and the remainder of the people. this seemed to us like a reprieve from death;and happy was the man who could first get on board of any ship, or the first boat hecould meet. we then proceeded in this manner till we gotinto the open water again, which we accomplished in about thirty hours, to our infinite joyand gladness of heart. as soon as we were out of danger we came toanchor and refitted; and on the 19th of august we sailed from this uninhabited extremityof the world, where the inhospitable climate

affords neither food nor shelter, and nota tree or shrub of any kind grows amongst its barren rocks; but all is one desolateand expanded waste of ice, which even the constant beams of the sun for six months inthe year cannot penetrate or dissolve. the sun now being on the decline the daysshortened as we sailed to the southward; and, on the 28th, in latitude 73, it was dark byten o'clock at night. september the 10th, in latitude 58-59, wemet a very severe gale of wind and high seas, and shipped a great deal of water in the spaceof ten hours. this made us work exceedingly hard at allour pumps a whole day; and one sea, which struck the ship with more force than any thingi ever met with of the kind before, laid her

under water for some time, so that we thoughtshe would have gone down. two boats were washed from the booms, andthe long-boat from the chucks: all other moveable things on the deck were also washed away,among which were many curious things of different kinds which we had brought from greenland;and we were obliged, in order to lighten the ship, to toss some of our guns overboard. we saw a ship, at the same time, in very greatdistress, and her masts were gone; but we were unable to assist her. we now lost sight of the carcass till the26th, when we saw land about orfordness, off which place she joined us.

from thence we sailed for london, and on the30th came up to deptford. and thus ended our arctic voyage, to the nosmall joy of all on board, after having been absent four months; in which time, at theimminent hazard of our lives, we explored nearly as far towards the pole as 81 degreesnorth, and 20 degrees east longitude; being much farther, by all accounts, than any navigatorhad ever ventured before; in which we fully proved the impracticability of finding a passagethat way x. the author leaves doctor irving and engageson board a turkey ship—account of a black man's being kidnapped on board and sent tothe west indies, and the author's fruitless

endeavours to procure his freedom—some accountof the manner of the author's conversion to the faith of jesus christ. our voyage to the north pole being ended,i returned to london with doctor irving, with whom i continued for some time, during whichi began seriously to reflect on the dangers i had escaped, particularly those of my lastvoyage, which made a lasting impression on my mind, and, by the grace of god, provedafterwards a mercy to me; it caused me to reflect deeply on my eternal state, and toseek the lord with full purpose of heart ere it was too late. i rejoiced greatly; and heartily thanked thelord for directing me to london, where i was

determined to work out my own salvation, andin so doing procure a title to heaven, being the result of a mind blended by ignoranceand sin. in process of time i left my master, doctorirving, the purifier of waters, and lodged in coventry-court, haymarket, where i wascontinually oppressed and much concerned about the salvation of my soul, and was determined(in my own strength) to be a first-rate christian. i used every means for this purpose; and,not being able to find any person amongst my acquaintance that agreed with me in pointof religion, or, in scripture language, 'that would shew me any good;' i was much dejected,and knew not where to seek relief; however, i first frequented the neighbouring churches,st. james's, and others, two or three times

a day, for many weeks: still i came away dissatisfied;something was wanting that i could not obtain, and i really found more heartfelt relief inreading my bible at home than in attending the church; and, being resolved to be saved,i pursued other methods still. first i went among the quakers, where theword of god was neither read or preached, so that i remained as much in the dark asever. i then searched into the roman catholic principles,but was not in the least satisfied. at length i had recourse to the jews, whichavailed me nothing, for the fear of eternity daily harassed my mind, and i knew not whereto seek shelter from the wrath to come. however this was my conclusion, at all events,to read the four evangelists, and whatever

sect or party i found adhering thereto suchi would join. thus i went on heavily without any guide todirect me the way that leadeth to eternal i asked different people questions about themanner of going to heaven, and was told different ways. here i was much staggered, and could not findany at that time more righteous than myself, or indeed so much inclined to devotion. i thought we should not all be saved (thisis agreeable to the holy scriptures), nor would all be damned. i found none among the circle of my acquaintancethat kept wholly the ten commandments.

so righteous was i in my own eyes, that iwas convinced i excelled many of them in that point, by keeping eight out of ten; and findingthose who in general termed themselves christians not so honest or so good in their morals asthe turks, i really thought the turks were in a safer way of salvation than my neighbours:so that between hopes and fears i went on, and the chief comforts i enjoyed were in themusical french horn, which i then practised, and also dressing of hair. such was my situation some months, experiencingthe dishonesty of many people here. i determined at last to set out for turkey,and there to end my days. it was now early in the spring 1774.

i sought for a master, and found a captainjohn hughes, commander of a ship called anglicania, fitting out in the river thames, and boundto smyrna in turkey. i shipped myself with him as a steward; atthe same time i recommended to him a very clever black man, john annis, as a cook. this man was on board the ship near two monthsdoing his duty: he had formerly lived many years with mr. william kirkpatrick, a gentlemanof the island of st. kitts, from whom he parted by consent, though he afterwards tried manyschemes to inveigle the poor man. he had applied to many captains who tradedto st. kitts to trepan him; and when all their attempts and schemes of kidnapping provedabortive, mr. kirkpatrick came to our ship

at union stairs on easter monday, april thefourth, with two wherry boats and six men, having learned that the man was on board;and tied, and forcibly took him away from the ship, in the presence of the crew andthe chief mate, who had detained him after he had notice to come away. i believe that this was a combined piece ofbusiness: but, at any rate, it certainly reflected great disgrace on the mate and captain also,who, although they had desired the oppressed man to stay on board, yet he did not in theleast assist to recover him, or pay me a farthing of his wages, which was about five pounds. i proved the only friend he had, who attemptedto regain him his liberty if possible, having

known the want of liberty myself. i sent as soon as i could to gravesend, andgot knowledge of the ship in which he was; but unluckily she had sailed the first tideafter he was put on board. my intention was then immediately to apprehendmr. kirkpatrick, who was about setting off for scotland; and, having obtained a habeascorpus for him, and got a tipstaff to go with me to st. paul's church-yard, where he lived,he, suspecting something of this kind, set a watch to look out. my being known to them occasioned me to usethe following deception: i whitened my face, that they might not know me, and this hadits desired effect.

he did not go out of his house that night,and next morning i contrived a well plotted stratagem notwithstanding he had a gentlemanin his house to personate him. my direction to the tipstaff, who got admittanceinto the house, was to conduct him to a judge, according to the writ. when he came there, his plea was, that hehad not the body in custody, on which he was admitted to bail. i proceeded immediately to that philanthropist,granville sharp, esq. who received me with the utmost kindness, and gave me every instructionthat was needful on the occasion. i left him in full hope that i should gainthe unhappy man his liberty, with the warmest

sense of gratitude towards mr. sharp for hiskindness; but, alas! my attorney proved unfaithful; he took my money, lost me many months employ,and did not do the least good in the cause: and when the poor man arrived at st. kitts,he was, according to custom, staked to the ground with four pins through a cord, twoon his wrists, and two on his ancles, was cut and flogged most unmercifully, and afterwardsloaded cruelly with irons about his neck. i had two very moving letters from him, whilehe was in this situation; and also was told of it by some very respectable families nowin london, who saw him in st. kitts, in the same state in which he remained till kinddeath released him out of the hands of his tyrants.

during this disagreeable business i was understrong convictions of sin, and thought that my state was worse than any man's; my mindwas unaccountably disturbed; i often wished for death, though at the same time convincedi was altogether unprepared for that awful summons. suffering much by villains in the late cause,and being much concerned about the state of my soul, these things (but particularly thelatter) brought me very low; so that i became a burden to myself, and viewed all thingsaround me as emptiness and vanity, which could give no satisfaction to a troubled conscience. i was again determined to go to turkey, andresolved, at that time, never more to return

i engaged as steward on board a turkeyman(the wester hall, capt. linna); but was prevented by means of my late captain, mr. hughes, andothers. all this appeared to be against me, and theonly comfort i then experienced was, in reading the holy scriptures, where i saw that 'thereis no new thing under the sun,' eccles. i. 9; and what was appointed for me i mustsubmit to. thus i continued to travel in much heaviness,and frequently murmured against the almighty, particularly in his providential dealings;and, awful to think! i began to blaspheme, and wished often tobe any thing but a human being. in these severe conflicts the lord answeredme by awful 'visions of the night, when deep

sleep falleth upon men, in slumberings uponthe bed,' job xxxiii. 15. he was pleased, in much mercy, to give meto see, and in some measure to understand, the great and awful scene of the judgment-day,that 'no unclean person, no unholy thing, can enter into the kingdom of god,' eph. v.5. i would then, if it had been possible, havechanged my nature with the meanest worm on the earth; and was ready to say to the mountainsand rocks 'fall on me,' rev. vi. 16; but all in vain. i then requested the divine creator that hewould grant me a small space of time to repent

of my follies and vile iniquities, which ifelt were grievous. the lord, in his manifold mercies, was pleasedto grant my request, and being yet in a state of time, the sense of god's mercies was sogreat on my mind when i awoke, that my strength entirely failed me for many minutes, and iwas exceedingly weak. this was the first spiritual mercy i everwas sensible of, and being on praying ground, as soon as i recovered a little strength,and got out of bed and dressed myself, i invoked heaven from my inmost soul, and ferventlybegged that god would never again permit me to blaspheme his most holy name. the lord, who is long-suffering, and fullof compassion to such poor rebels as we are,

condescended to hear and answer. i felt that i was altogether unholy, and sawclearly what a bad use i had made of the faculties i was endowed with; they were given me toglorify god with; i thought, therefore, i had better want them here, and enter intolife eternal, than abuse them and be cast into hell fire. i prayed to be directed, if there were anyholier than those with whom i was acquainted, that the lord would point them out to me. i appealed to the searcher of hearts, whetheri did not wish to love him more, and serve him better.

notwithstanding all this, the reader may easilydiscern, if he is a believer, that i was still in nature's darkness. at length i hated the house in which i lodged,because god's most holy name was blasphemed in it; then i saw the word of god verified,viz. 'before they call, i will answer; and whilethey are yet speaking, i will hear.' i had a great desire to read the bible thewhole day at home; but not having a convenient place for retirement, i left the house inthe day, rather than stay amongst the wicked ones; and that day as i was walking, it pleasedgod to direct me to a house where there was an old sea-faring man, who experienced muchof the love of god shed abroad in his heart.

he began to discourse with me; and, as i desiredto love the lord, his conversation rejoiced me greatly; and indeed i had never heard beforethe love of christ to believers set forth in such a manner, and in so clear a pointof view. here i had more questions to put to the manthan his time would permit him to answer; and in that memorable hour there came in adissenting minister; he joined our discourse, and asked me some few questions; among others,where i heard the gospel preached. i knew not what he meant by hearing the gospel;i told him i had read the gospel: and he asked where i went to church, or whether i wentat all or not. to which i replied, 'i attended st. james's,st. martin's, and st. ann's, soho;'—'so,'

said he, 'you are a churchman.' i answered, i was. he then invited me to a love-feast at hischapel that evening. i accepted the offer, and thanked him; andsoon after he went away, i had some further discourse with the old christian, added tosome profitable reading, which made me exceedingly happy. when i left him he reminded me of coming tothe feast; i assured him i would be there. thus we parted, and i weighed over the heavenlyconversation that had passed between these two men, which cheered my then heavy and droopingspirit more than any thing i had met with

for many months. however, i thought the time long in goingto my supposed banquet. i also wished much for the company of thesefriendly men; their company pleased me much; and i thought the gentlemen very kind, inasking me, a stranger, to a feast; but how singular did it appear to me, to have it ina chapel! when the wished-for hour came i went, andhappily the old man was there, who kindly seated me, as he belonged to the place. i was much astonished to see the place filledwith people, and no signs of eating and drinking. there were many ministers in the company.

at last they began by giving out hymns, andbetween the singing the minister engaged in prayer; in short, i knew not what to makeof this sight, having never seen any thing of the kind in my life before now. some of the guests began to speak their experience,agreeable to what i read in the scriptures; much was said by every speaker of the providenceof god, and his unspeakable mercies, to each of them. this i knew in a great measure, and couldmost heartily join them. but when they spoke of a future state, theyseemed to be altogether certain of their calling and election of god; and that no one couldever separate them from the love of christ,

or pluck them out of his hands. this filled me with utter consternation, intermingledwith admiration. i was so amazed as not to know what to thinkof the company; my heart was attracted and my affections were enlarged. i wished to be as happy as them, and was persuadedin my mind that they were different from the world 'that lieth in wickedness,' 1 john v.19. their language and singing, &c. did well harmonize;i was entirely overcome, and wished to live and die thus. lastly, some persons in the place producedsome neat baskets full of buns, which they

distributed about; and each person communicatedwith his neighbour, and sipped water out of different mugs, which they handed about toall who were present. this kind of christian fellowship i had neverseen, nor ever thought of seeing on earth; it fully reminded me of what i had read inthe holy scriptures, of the primitive christians, who loved each other and broke bread. in partaking of it, even from house to house,this entertainment (which lasted about four hours) ended in singing and prayer. it was the first soul feast i ever was presentat. this last twenty-four hours produced me things,spiritual and temporal, sleeping and waking,

judgment and mercy, that i could not but admirethe goodness of god, in directing the blind, blasphemous sinner in the path that he knewnot of, even among the just; and instead of judgment he has shewed mercy, and will hearand answer the prayers and supplications of every returning prodigal: o! to grace how great a debtordaily i'm constrain'd to be! after this i was resolved to win heaven ifpossible; and if i perished i thought it should be at the feet of jesus, in praying to himfor salvation. after having been an eye-witness to some ofthe happiness which attended those who feared god, i knew not how, with any propriety, toreturn to my lodgings, where the name of god

was continually profaned, at which i feltthe greatest horror. i paused in my mind for some time, not knowingwhat to do; whether to hire a bed elsewhere, or go home again. at last, fearing an evil report might arise,i went home, with a farewell to card-playing and vain jesting, &c. i saw that time was very short, eternity long,and very near, and i viewed those persons alone blessed who were found ready at midnightcall, or when the judge of all, both quick and dead, cometh. the next day i took courage, and went to holborn,to see my new and worthy acquaintance, the

old man, mr. c——; he, with his wife, agracious woman, were at work at silk weaving; they seemed mutually happy, and both quiteglad to see me, and i more so to see them. i sat down, and we conversed much about soulmatters, &c. their discourse was amazingly delightful,edifying, and pleasant. i knew not at last how to leave this agreeablepair, till time summoned me away. as i was going they lent me a little book,entitled "the conversion of an indian." it was in questions and answers. the poor man came over the sea to london,to inquire after the christian's god, who, (through rich mercy) he found, and had nothis journey in vain.

the above book was of great use to me, andat that time was a means of strengthening my faith; however, in parting, they both invitedme to call on them when i pleased. this delighted me, and i took care to makeall the improvement from it i could; and so far i thanked god for such company and desires. i prayed that the many evils i felt withinmight be done away, and that i might be weaned from my former carnal acquaintances. this was quickly heard and answered, and iwas soon connected with those whom the scripture calls the excellent of the earth. i heard the gospel preached, and the thoughtsof my heart and actions were laid open by

the preachers, and the way of salvation bychrist alone was evidently set forth. thus i went on happily for near two months;and i once heard, during this period, a reverend gentleman speak of a man who had departedthis life in full assurance of his going to glory. i was much astonished at the assertion; anddid very deliberately inquire how he could get at this knowledge. i was answered fully, agreeable to what iread in the oracles of truth; and was told also, that if i did not experience the newbirth, and the pardon of my sins, through the blood of christ, before i died, i couldnot enter the kingdom of heaven.

i knew not what to think of this report, asi thought i kept eight commandments out of ten; then my worthy interpreter told me idid not do it, nor could i; and he added, that no man ever did or could keep the commandments,without offending in one point. i thought this sounded very strange, and puzzledme much for many weeks; for i thought it a hard saying. i then asked my friend, mr. l——d, whowas a clerk in a chapel, why the commandments of god were given, if we could not be savedby them? to which he replied, 'the law is a schoolmasterto bring us to christ,' who alone could and did keep the commandments, and fulfilled alltheir requirements for his elect people, even

those to whom he had given a living faith,and the sins of those chosen vessels were already atoned for and forgiven them whilstliving; and if i did not experience the same before my exit, the lord would say at thatgreat day to me 'go ye cursed,' &c. &c. for god would appear faithful in his judgmentsto the wicked, as he would be faithful in shewing mercy to those who were ordained toit before the world was; therefore christ jesus seemed to be all in all to that man'ssoul. i was much wounded at this discourse, andbrought into such a dilemma as i never expected. i asked him, if he was to die that moment,whether he was sure to enter the kingdom of god? and added, 'do you know that your sinsare forgiven you?'

he answered in the affirmative. then confusion, anger, and discontent seizedme, and i staggered much at this sort of doctrine; it brought me to a stand, not knowing whichto believe, whether salvation by works or by faith only in christ. i requested him to tell me how i might knowwhen my sins were forgiven me. he assured me he could not, and that nonebut god alone could do this. i told him it was very mysterious; but hesaid it was really matter of fact, and quoted many portions of scripture immediately tothe point, to which i could make no reply. he then desired me to pray to god to shewme these things.

i answered, that i prayed to god every day. he said, 'i perceive you are a churchman.' i answered i was. he then entreated me to beg of god to shewme what i was, and the true state of my soul. i thought the prayer very short and odd; sowe parted for that time. i weighed all these things well over, andcould not help thinking how it was possible for a man to know that his sins were forgivenhim in this life. i wished that god would reveal this self samething unto me. in a short time after this i went to westminsterchapel; the rev. mr. p—— preached, from

lam. iii. 39. it was a wonderful sermon; he clearly shewedthat a living man had no cause to complain for the punishment of his sins; he evidentlyjustified the lord in all his dealings with the sons of men; he also shewed the justiceof god in the eternal punishment of the wicked and impenitent. the discourse seemed to me like a two-edgedsword cutting all ways; it afforded me much joy, intermingled with many fears, about mysoul; and when it was ended, he gave it out that he intended, the ensuing week, to examineall those who meant to attend the lord's table. now i thought much of my good works, and atthe same time was doubtful of my being a proper

object to receive the sacrament; i was fullof meditation till the day of examining. however, i went to the chapel, and, thoughmuch distressed, i addressed the reverend gentleman, thinking, if i was not right, hewould endeavour to convince me of it. when i conversed with him, the first thinghe asked me was, what i knew of christ? i told him i believed in him, and had beenbaptized in his name. 'then,' said he, 'when were you brought tothe knowledge of god? and how were you convinced of sin?' i knew not what he meant by these questions;i told him i kept eight commandments out of ten; but that i sometimes swore on board ship,and sometimes when on shore, and broke the

sabbath. he then asked me if i could read? i answered, 'yes.'—'then,' said he,'do younot read in the bible, he that offends in one point is guilty of all?' i said, 'yes.' then he assured me, that one sin unatonedfor was as sufficient to damn a soul as one leak was to sink a ship. here i was struck with awe; for the ministerexhorted me much, and reminded me of the shortness of time, and the length of eternity, and thatno unregenerate soul, or any thing unclean,

could enter the kingdom of heaven. he did not admit me as a communicant; butrecommended me to read the scriptures, and hear the word preached, not to neglect ferventprayer to god, who has promised to hear the supplications of those who seek him in godlysincerity; so i took my leave of him, with many thanks, and resolved to follow his advice,so far as the lord would condescend to enable during this time i was out of employ, norwas i likely to get a situation suitable for me, which obliged me to go once more to sea. i engaged as steward of a ship called thehope, capt. richard strange, bound from london to cadiz in spain.

in a short time after i was on board i heardthe name of god much blasphemed, and i feared greatly, lest i should catch the horribleinfection. i thought if i sinned again, after havinglife and death set evidently before me, i should certainly go to hell. my mind was uncommonly chagrined, and i murmuredmuch at god's providential dealings with me, and was discontented with the commandments,that i could not be saved by what i had done; i hated all things, and wished i had neverbeen born; confusion seized me, and i wished to be annihilated. one day i was standing on the very edge ofthe stern of the ship, thinking to drown myself;

but this scripture was instantly impressedon my mind—'that no murderer hath eternal life abiding in him,' 1 john iii. 15. then i paused, and thought myself the unhappiestman living. again i was convinced that the lord was betterto me than i deserved, and i was better off in the world than many. after this i began to fear death; i fretted,mourned, and prayed, till i became a burden to others, but more so to myself. at length i concluded to beg my bread on shorerather than go again to sea amongst a people who feared not god, and i entreated the captainthree different times to discharge me; he

would not, but each time gave me greater andgreater encouragement to continue with him, and all on board shewed me very great civility:notwithstanding all this i was unwilling to embark again. at last some of my religious friends advisedme, by saying it was my lawful calling, consequently it was my duty to obey, and that god was notconfined to place, &c. &c. particularly mr. g.s. the governor of tothil-fields bridewell,who pitied my case, and read the eleventh chapter of the hebrews to me, with exhortations. he prayed for me, and i believed that he prevailedon my behalf, as my burden was then greatly removed, and i found a heartfelt resignationto the will of god.

the good man gave me a pocket bible and allen'salarm to the unconverted. we parted, and the next day i went on boardagain. we sailed for spain, and i found favour withthe captain. it was the fourth of the month of septemberwhen we sailed from london; we had a delightful voyage to cadiz, where we arrived the twenty-thirdof the same month. the place is strong, commands a fine prospect,and is very rich. the spanish galloons frequent that port, andsome arrived whilst we were there. i had many opportunities of reading the scriptures. i wrestled hard with god in fervent prayer,who had declared in his word that he would

hear the groanings and deep sighs of the poorin spirit. i found this verified to my utter astonishmentand comfort in the following manner: on the morning of the 6th of october, (i prayyou to attend) or all that day, i thought that i should either see or hear somethingsupernatural. i had a secret impulse on my mind of somethingthat was to take place, which drove me continually for that time to a throne of grace. it pleased god to enable me to wrestle withhim, as jacob did: i prayed that if sudden death were to happen, and i perished, it mightbe at christ's feet. in the evening of the same day, as i was readingand meditating on the fourth chapter of the

acts, twelfth verse, under the solemn apprehensionsof eternity, and reflecting on my past actions, i began to think i had lived a moral life,and that i had a proper ground to believe i had an interest in the divine favour; butstill meditating on the subject, not knowing whether salvation was to be had partly forour own good deeds, or solely as the sovereign gift of god; in this deep consternation thelord was pleased to break in upon my soul with his bright beams of heavenly light; andin an instant as it were, removing the veil, and letting light into a dark place, i sawclearly with the eye of faith the crucified saviour bleeding on the cross on mount calvary:the scriptures became an unsealed book, i saw myself a condemned criminal under thelaw, which came with its full force to my

conscience, and when 'the commandment camesin revived, and i died,' i saw the lord jesus christ in his humiliation, loaded and bearingmy reproach, sin, and shame. i then clearly perceived that by the deedsof the law no flesh living could be justified. i was then convinced that by the first adamsin came, and by the second adam (the lord jesus christ) all that are saved must be madealive. it was given me at that time to know whatit was to be born again, john iii. 5. i saw the eighth chapter to the romans, andthe doctrines of god's decrees, verified agreeable to his eternal, everlasting, and unchangeablepurposes. the word of god was sweet to my taste, yeasweeter than honey and the honeycomb.

christ was revealed to my soul as the chiefestamong ten thousand. these heavenly moments were really as lifeto the dead, and what john calls an earnest of the spirit[v]. this was indeed unspeakable, and i firmlybelieve undeniable by many. now every leading providential circumstancethat happened to me, from the day i was taken from my parents to that hour, was then inmy view, as if it had but just then occurred. i was sensible of the invisible hand of god,which guided and protected me when in truth i knew it not: still the lord pursued me althoughi slighted and disregarded it; this mercy melted me down.

when i considered my poor wretched state iwept, seeing what a great debtor i was to sovereign free grace. now the ethiopian was willing to be savedby jesus christ, the sinner's only surety, and also to rely on none other person or thingfor salvation. self was obnoxious, and good works he hadnone, for it is god that worketh in us both to will and to do. the amazing things of that hour can neverbe told—it was joy in the holy ghost! i felt an astonishing change; the burden ofsin, the gaping jaws of hell, and the fears of death, that weighed me down before, nowlost their horror; indeed i thought death

would now be the best earthly friend i everhad. such were my grief and joy as i believe areseldom experienced. i was bathed in tears, and said, what am ithat god should thus look on me the vilest of sinners? i felt a deep concern for my mother and friends,which occasioned me to pray with fresh ardour; and, in the abyss of thought, i viewed theunconverted people of the world in a very awful state, being without god and withouthope. it pleased god to pour out on me the spiritof prayer and the grace of supplication, so that in loud acclamations i was enabled topraise and glorify his most holy name.

when i got out of the cabin, and told someof the people what the lord had done for me, alas, who could understand me or believe myreport!—none but to whom the arm of the lord was revealed. i became a barbarian to them in talking ofthe love of christ: his name was to me as ointment poured forth; indeed it was sweetto my soul, but to them a rock of offence. i thought my case singular, and every houra day until i came to london, for i much longed to be with some to whom i could tell of thewonders of god's love towards me, and join in prayer to him whom my soul loved and thirstedafter. i had uncommon commotions within, such asfew can tell aught about.

now the bible was my only companion and comfort;i prized it much, with many thanks to god that i could read it for myself, and was notleft to be tossed about or led by man's devices and notions. the worth of a soul cannot be told.—maythe lord give the reader an understanding in this. whenever i looked in the bible i saw thingsnew, and many texts were immediately applied to me with great comfort, for i knew thatto me was the word of salvation sent. sure i was that the spirit which indited theword opened my heart to receive the truth of it as it is in jesus—that the same spiritenabled me to act faith upon the promises

that were so precious to me, and enabled meto believe to the salvation of my soul. by free grace i was persuaded that i had apart in the first resurrection, and was 'enlightened with the light of the living,' job xxxiii. 30. i wished for a man of god with whom i mightconverse: my soul was like the chariots of aminidab, canticles vi. 12. these, among others, were the precious promisesthat were so powerfully applied to me: 'all things whatsoever ye shall ask in prayer,believing, ye shall receive,' mat. xxi. 22. 'peace i leave with you, my peace i give untoyou,' john xiv. 27.

i saw the blessed redeemer to be the fountainof life, and the well of salvation. i experienced him all in all; he had broughtme by a way that i knew not, and he had made crooked paths straight. then in his name i set up my ebenezer, saying,hitherto he hath helped me: and could say to the sinners about me, behold what a saviouri have! thus i was, by the teaching of that all-gloriousdeity, the great one in three, and three in one, confirmed in the truths of the bible,those oracles of everlasting truth, on which every soul living must stand or fall eternally,agreeable to acts iv. 12. 'neither is there salvation in any other,for there is none other name under heaven

given among men whereby we must be saved,but only christ jesus.' may god give the reader a right understandingin these facts! to him that believeth all things are possible,but to them that are unbelieving nothing is pure, titus i. 15. during this period we remained at cadiz untilour ship got laden. we sailed about the fourth of november; and,having a good passage, we arrived in london the month following, to my comfort, with heartfeltgratitude to god for his rich and unspeakable mercies. on my return i had but one text which puzzledme, or that the devil endeavoured to buffet

me with, viz. rom. xi. 6. and, as i had heardof the reverend mr. romaine, and his great knowledge in the scriptures, i wished muchto hear him preach. one day i went to blackfriars church, and,to my great satisfaction and surprise, he preached from that very text. he very clearly shewed the difference betweenhuman works and free election, which is according to god's sovereign will and pleasure. these glad tidings set me entirely at liberty,and i went out of the church rejoicing, seeing my spots were those of god's children. i went to westminster chapel, and saw someof my old friends, who were glad when they

perceived the wonderful change that the lordhad wrought in me, particularly mr. g—— s——, my worthy acquaintance, who was aman of a choice spirit, and had great zeal for the lord's service. i enjoyed his correspondence till he diedin the year 1784. i was again examined at that same chapel,and was received into church fellowship amongst them: i rejoiced in spirit, making melodyin my heart to the god of all my mercies. now my whole wish was to be dissolved, andto be with christ—but, alas! i must wait mine appointed time. miscellaneous verses,

or reflections on the state of my mind duringmy first convictions; of the necessity of believing the truth, and experiencing theinestimable benefits of christianity. well may i say my life has beenone scene of sorrow and of pain; from early days i griefs have known,and as i grew my griefs have grown: dangers were always in my path;and fear of wrath, and sometimes death; while pale dejection in me reign'di often wept, by grief constrain'd. when taken from my native land,by an unjust and cruel band, how did uncommon dread prevail!

my sighs no more i could conceal. 'to ease my mind i often strove,and tried my trouble to remove: i sung, and utter'd sighs between—assay'd to stifle guilt with sin. 'but o! not all that i could dowould stop the current of my woe; conviction still my vileness shew'd;how great my guilt—how lost from god! 'prevented, that i could not die,nor might to one kind refuge fly; an orphan state i had to mourn,—forsook by all, and left forlorn.' those who beheld my downcast miencould not guess at my woes unseen: they by appearance could not knowthe troubles that i waded through.

'lust, anger, blasphemy, and pride,with legions of such ills beside, troubled my thoughts,' while doubts and fearsclouded and darken'd most my years. 'sighs now no more would be confin'd—they breath'd the trouble of my mind: i wish'd for death, but check'd the word,and often pray'd unto the lord.' unhappy, more than some on earth,i thought the place that gave me birth— strange thoughts oppress'd—while i replied"why not in ethiopia died?" and why thus spared, nigh to hell?—god only knew—i could not tell! 'a tott'ring fence, a bowing wallthought myself ere since the fall.' 'oft times i mused, nigh despair,while birds melodious fill'd the air:

thrice happy songsters, ever free,how bless'd were they compar'd to me!' thus all things added to my pain,while grief compell'd me to complain; when sable clouds began to risemy mind grew darker than the skies. the english nation call'd to leave,how did my breast with sorrows heave! i long'd for rest—cried "help me, lord! some mitigation, lord, afford!" yet on, dejected, still i went—heart-throbbing woes within were pent; nor land, nor sea, could comfort give,nothing my anxious mind relieve. weary with travail, yet unknownto all but god and self alone,

numerous months for peace i strove,and numerous foes i had to prove. inur'd to dangers, griefs, and woes,train'd up 'midst perils, deaths, and foes, i said "must it thus ever be?—no quiet is permitted me." hard hap, and more than heavy lot! i pray'd to god "forget me not—what thou ordain'st willing i'll bear; but o! deliver from despair!" strivings and wrestlings seem'd in vain;nothing i did could ease my pain: then gave i up my works and will,confess'd and own'd my doom was hell! like some poor pris'ner at the bar,conscious of guilt, of sin and fear,

arraign'd, and self-condemned, i stood—'lost in the world, and in my blood!' yet here,'midst blackest clouds confin'd,a beam from christ, the day-star, shin'd; surely, thought i, if jesus please,he can at once sign my release. i, ignorant of his righteousness,set up my labours in its place; 'forgot for why his blood was shed,and pray'd and fasted in its stead.' he dy'd for sinners—i am one! might not his blood for me atone? tho' i am nothing else but sin,yet surely he can make me clean! thus light came in, and i believ'd;myself forgot, and help receiv'd!

my saviour then i know i found,for, eas'd from guilt, no more i groan'd. o, happy hour, in which i ceas'dto mourn, for then i found a rest! my soul and christ were now as one—thy light, o jesus, in me shone! bless'd be thy name, for now i knowi and my works can nothing do; "the lord alone can ransom man—for this the spotless lamb was slain!" when sacrifices, works, and pray'r,prov'd vain, and ineffectual were, "lo, then i come!" the saviour cry'd,and, bleeding, bow'd his head and dy'd! he dy'd for all who ever sawno help in them, nor by the law:— i this have seen; and gladly own"salvation is by christ alone[w]!"

xi. the author embarks on board a ship bound forcadiz—is near being shipwrecked—goes to malaga—remarkable fine cathedral there—theauthor disputes with a popish priest—picking up eleven miserable men at sea in returningto england—engages again with doctor irving to accompany him to jamaica and the mosquitoshore—meets with an indian prince on board—the author attempts to instruct him in the truthsof the gospel—frustrated by the bad example of some in the ship—they arrive on the mosquitoshore with some slaves they purchased at jamaica, and begin to cultivate a plantation—someaccount of the manners and customs of the mosquito indians—successful device of theauthor's to quell a riot among them—curious

entertainment given by them to doctor irvingand the author, who leaves the shore and goes for jamaica—is barbarously treated by aman with whom he engaged for his passage—escapes and goes to the mosquito admiral, who treatshim kindly—he gets another vessel and goes on board—instances of bad treatment—meetsdoctor irving—gets to jamaica—is cheated by his captain—leaves the doctor and goesfor england. when our ship was got ready for sea again,i was entreated by the captain to go in her once more; but, as i felt myself now as happyas i could wish to be in this life, i for some time refused; however, the advice ofmy friends at last prevailed; and, in full resignation to the will of god, i again embarkedfor cadiz in march 1775.

we had a very good passage, without any materialaccident, until we arrived off the bay of cadiz; when one sunday, just as we were goinginto the harbour, the ship struck against a rock and knocked off a garboard plank, whichis the next to the keel. in an instant all hands were in the greatestconfusion, and began with loud cries to call on god to have mercy on them. although i could not swim, and saw no wayof escaping death, i felt no dread in my then situation, having no desire to live. i even rejoiced in spirit, thinking this deathwould be sudden glory. but the fulness of time was not yet come.

the people near to me were much astonishedin seeing me thus calm and resigned; but i told them of the peace of god, which throughsovereign grace i enjoyed, and these words were that instant in my mind: "christ is my pilot wise, my compass is hisword; my soul each storm defies, while i have sucha lord. i trust his faithfulness and power,to save me in the trying hour. though rocks and quicksands deep through allmy passage lie, yet christ shall safely keep and guide mewith his eye. how can i sink with such a prop,that bears the world and all things up?"

at this time there were many large spanishflukers or passage-vessels full of people crossing the channel; who seeing our condition,a number of them came alongside of us. as many hands as could be employed began towork; some at our three pumps, and the rest unloading the ship as fast as possible. there being only a single rock called theporpus on which we struck, we soon got off it, and providentially it was then high water,we therefore run the ship ashore at the nearest place to keep her from sinking. after many tides, with a great deal of careand industry, we got her repaired again. when we had dispatched our business at cadiz,we went to gibraltar, and from thence to malaga,

a very pleasant and rich city, where thereis one of the finest cathedrals i had ever seen. it had been above fifty years in building,as i heard, though it was not then quite finished; great part of the inside, however, was completedand highly decorated with the richest marble columns and many superb paintings; it waslighted occasionally by an amazing number of wax tapers of different sizes, some ofwhich were as thick as a man's thigh; these, however, were only used on some of their grandfestivals. i was very much shocked at the custom of bull-baiting,and other diversions which prevailed here on sunday evenings, to the great scandal ofchristianity and morals.

i used to express my abhorrence of it to apriest whom i met with. i had frequent contests about religion withthe reverend father, in which he took great pains to make a proselyte of me to his church;and i no less to convert him to mine. on these occasions i used to produce my bible,and shew him in what points his church erred. he then said he had been in england, and thatevery person there read the bible, which was very wrong; but i answered him that christdesired us to search the scriptures. in his zeal for my conversion, he solicitedme to go to one of the universities in spain, and declared that i should have my educationfree; and told me, if i got myself made a priest, i might in time become even pope;and that pope benedict was a black man.

as i was ever desirous of learning, i pausedfor some time upon this temptation; and thought by being crafty i might catch some with guile;but i began to think that it would be only hypocrisy in me to embrace his offer, as icould not in conscience conform to the opinions of his church. i was therefore enabled to regard the wordof god, which says, 'come out from amongst them,' and refused father vincent's offer. so we parted without conviction on eitherside. having taken at this place some fine wines,fruits, and money, we proceeded to cadiz, where we took about two tons more of money,&c. and then sailed for england in the month

of june. when we were about the north latitude 42,we had contrary wind for several days, and the ship did not make in that time above sixor seven miles straight course. this made the captain exceeding fretful andpeevish: and i was very sorry to hear god's most holy name often blasphemed by him. one day, as he was in that impious mood, ayoung gentleman on board, who was a passenger, reproached him, and said he acted wrong; forwe ought to be thankful to god for all things, as we were not in want of any thing on board;and though the wind was contrary for us, yet it was fair for some others, who, perhaps,stood in more need of it than we.

i immediately seconded this young gentlemanwith some boldness, and said we had not the least cause to murmur, for that the lord wasbetter to us than we deserved, and that he had done all things well. i expected that the captain would be veryangry with me for speaking, but he replied not a word. however, before that time on the followingday, being the 21st of june, much to our great joy and astonishment, we saw the providentialhand of our benign creator, whose ways with his blind creatures are past finding out. the preceding night i dreamed that i saw aboat immediately off the starboard main shrouds;

and exactly at half past one o'clock, thefollowing day at noon, while i was below, just as we had dined in the cabin, the manat the helm cried out, a boat! which brought my dream that instant into my mind. i was the first man that jumped on the deck;and, looking from the shrouds onward, according to my dream, i descried a little boat at somedistance; but, as the waves were high, it was as much as we could do sometimes to discernher; we however stopped the ship's way, and the boat, which was extremely small, camealongside with eleven miserable men, whom we took on board immediately. to all human appearance, these people musthave perished in the course of one hour or

less, the boat being small, it barely containedthem. when we took them up they were half drowned,and had no victuals, compass, water, or any other necessary whatsoever, and had only onebit of an oar to steer with, and that right before the wind; so that they were obligedto trust entirely to the mercy of the waves. as soon as we got them all on board, theybowed themselves on their knees, and, with hands and voices lifted up to heaven, thankedgod for their deliverance; and i trust that my prayers were not wanting amongst them atthe same time. this mercy of the lord quite melted me, andi recollected his words, which i saw thus verified in the 107th psalm 'o give thanksunto the lord, for he is good, for his mercy

endureth for ever. hungry and thirsty, their souls fainted inthem. they cried unto lord in their trouble, andhe delivered them out of their distresses. and he led them forth by the right way, thatthey might go to a city of habitation. o that men would praise the lord for his goodnessand for his wonderful works to the children of men! for he satisfieth the longing soul, and filleththe hungry soul with goodness. 'such as sit in darkness and in the shadowof death: 'then they cried unto the lord in their trouble,and he saved them out of their distresses.

they that go down to the sea in ships; thatdo business in great waters: these see the works of the lord, and his wonders in thedeep. whoso is wise and will observe these things,even they shall understand the loving kindness of the lord.' the poor distressed captain said,'that thelord is good; for, seeing that i am not fit to die, he therefore gave me a space of timeto repent.' i was very glad to hear this expression, andtook an opportunity when convenient of talking to him on the providence of god. they told us they were portuguese, and werein a brig loaded with corn, which shifted

that morning at five o'clock, owing to whichthe vessel sunk that instant with two of the crew; and how these eleven got into the boat(which was lashed to the deck) not one of them could tell. we provided them with every necessary, andbrought them all safe to london: and i hope the lord gave them repentance unto life eternal. i was happy once more amongst my friends andbrethren, till november, when my old friend, the celebrated doctor irving, bought a remarkablefine sloop, about 150 tons. he had a mind for a new adventure in cultivatinga plantation at jamaica and the musquito shore; asked me to go with him, and said that hewould trust me with his estate in preference

to any one. by the advice, therefore, of my friends, iaccepted of the offer, knowing that the harvest was fully ripe in those parts, and hoped tobe the instrument, under god, of bringing some poor sinner to my well beloved master,jesus christ. before i embarked, i found with the doctorfour musquito indians, who were chiefs in their own country, and were brought here bysome english traders for some selfish ends. one of them was the musquito king's son; ayouth of about eighteen years of age; and whilst he was here he was baptized by thename of george. they were going back at the government's expense,after having been in england about twelve

months, during which they learned to speakpretty good english. when i came to talk to them about eight daysbefore we sailed, i was very much mortified in finding that they had not frequented anychurches since they were here, to be baptized, nor was any attention paid to their morals. i was very sorry for this mock christianity,and had just an opportunity to take some of them once to church before we sailed. we embarked in the month of november 1775,on board of the sloop morning star, captain david miller, and sailed for jamaica. in our passage, i took all the pains thati could to instruct the indian prince in the

doctrines of christianity, of which he wasentirely ignorant; and, to my great joy, he was quite attentive, and received with gladnessthe truths that the lord enabled me to set forth to him. i taught him in the compass of eleven daysall the letters, and he could put even two or three of them together and spell them. i had fox's martyrology with cuts, and heused to be very fond of looking into it, and would ask many questions about the papal crueltieshe saw depicted there, which i explained to i made such progress with this youth, especiallyin religion, that when i used to go to bed at different hours of the night, if he wasin his bed, he would get up on purpose to

go to prayer with me, without any other clothesthan his shirt; and before he would eat any of his meals amongst the gentlemen in thecabin, he would first come to me to pray, as he called it. i was well pleased at this, and took greatdelight in him, and used much supplication to god for his conversion. i was in full hope of seeing daily every appearanceof that change which i could wish; not knowing the devices of satan, who had many of hisemissaries to sow his tares as fast as i sowed the good seed, and pull down as fast as ibuilt up. thus we went on nearly four fifths of ourpassage, when satan at last got the upper

hand. some of his messengers, seeing this poor heathenmuch advanced in piety, began to ask him whether i had converted him to christianity, laughed,and made their jest at him, for which i rebuked them as much as i could; but this treatmentcaused the prince to halt between two opinions. some of the true sons of belial, who did notbelieve that there was any hereafter, told him never to fear the devil, for there wasnone existing; and if ever he came to the prince, they desired he might be sent to them. thus they teazed the poor innocent youth,so that he would not learn his book any more! he would not drink nor carouse with theseungodly actors, nor would he be with me, even

at prayers. this grieved me very much. i endeavoured to persuade him as well as icould, but he would not come; and entreated him very much to tell me his reasons for actingthus. at last he asked me, 'how comes it that allthe white men on board who can read and write, and observe the sun, and know all things,yet swear, lie, and get drunk, only excepting yourself?' i answered him, the reason was, that theydid not fear god; and that if any one of them died so they could not go to, or be happywith god.

he replied, that if these persons went tohell he would go to hell too. i was sorry to hear this; and, as he sometimeshad the toothach, and also some other persons in the ship at the same time, i asked himif their toothach made his easy: he said, no. then i told him if he and these people wentto hell together, their pains would not make his any lighter. this answer had great weight with him: itdepressed his spirits much; and he became ever after, during the passage, fond of beingalone. when we were in the latitude of martinico,and near making the land, one morning we had

a brisk gale of wind, and, carrying too muchsail, the main-mast went over the side. many people were then all about the deck,and the yards, masts, and rigging, came tumbling all about us, yet there was not one of usin the least hurt, although some were within a hair's breadth of being killed: and, particularly,i saw two men then, by the providential hand of god, most miraculously preserved from beingsmashed to pieces. on the fifth of january we made antigua andmontserrat, and ran along the rest of the islands: and on the fourteenth we arrivedat jamaica. one sunday while we were there i took themusquito prince george to church, where he saw the sacrament administered.

when we came out we saw all kinds of people,almost from the church door for the space of half a mile down to the waterside, buyingand selling all kinds of commodities: and these acts afforded me great matter of exhortationto this youth, who was much astonished. our vessel being ready to sail for the musquitoshore, i went with the doctor on board a guinea-man, to purchase some slaves to carry with us,and cultivate a plantation; and i chose them all my own countrymen. on the twelfth of february we sailed fromjamaica, and on the eighteenth arrived at the musquito shore, at a place called dupeupy. all our indian guests now, after i had admonishedthem and a few cases of liquor given them

by the doctor, took an affectionate leaveof us, and went ashore, where they were met by the musquito king, and we never saw oneof them afterwards. we then sailed to the southward of the shore,to a place called cape gracias a dios, where there was a large lagoon or lake, which receivedthe emptying of two or three very fine large rivers, and abounded much in fish and landtortoise. some of the native indians came on board ofus here; and we used them well, and told them we were come to dwell amongst them, whichthey seemed pleased at. so the doctor and i, with some others, wentwith them ashore; and they took us to different places to view the land, in order to choosea place to make a plantation of.

we fixed on a spot near a river's bank, ina rich soil; and, having got our necessaries out of the sloop, we began to clear away thewoods, and plant different kinds of vegetables, which had a quick growth. while we were employed in this manner, ourvessel went northward to black river to trade. while she was there, a spanish guarda costamet with and took her. this proved very hurtful, and a great embarrassmentto us. however, we went on with the culture of theland. we used to make fires every night all aroundus, to keep off wild beasts, which, as soon as it was dark, set up a most hideous roaring.

our habitation being far up in the woods,we frequently saw different kinds of animals; but none of them ever hurt us, except poisonoussnakes, the bite of which the doctor used to cure by giving to the patient, as soonas possible, about half a tumbler of strong rum, with a good deal of cayenne pepper init. in this manner he cured two natives and oneof his own slaves. the indians were exceedingly fond of the doctor,and they had good reason for it; for i believe they never had such an useful man amongstthem. they came from all quarters to our dwelling;and some woolwow, or flat-headed indians, who lived fifty or sixty miles above our river,and this side of the south sea, brought us

a good deal of silver in exchange for ourgoods. the principal articles we could get from ourneighbouring indians, were turtle oil, and shells, little silk grass, and some provisions;but they would not work at any thing for us, except fishing; and a few times they assistedto cut some trees down, in order to build us houses; which they did exactly like theafricans, by the joint labour of men, women, and children. i do not recollect any of them to have hadmore than two wives. these always accompanied their husbands whenthey came to our dwelling; and then they generally carried whatever they brought to us, and alwayssquatted down behind their husbands.

whenever we gave them any thing to eat, themen and their wives ate it separate. i never saw the least sign of incontinenceamongst them. the women are ornamented with beads, and fondof painting themselves; the men also paint, even to excess, both their faces and shirts:their favourite colour is red. the women generally cultivate the ground,and the men are all fishermen and canoe makers. upon the whole, i never met any nation thatwere so simple in their manners as these people, or had so little ornament in their houses. neither had they, as i ever could learn, oneword expressive of an oath. the worst word i ever heard amongst them whenthey were quarreling, was one that they had

got from the english, which was, 'you rascal.' i never saw any mode of worship among them;but in this they were not worse than their european brethren or neighbours: for i amsorry to say that there was not one white person in our dwelling, nor any where elsethat i saw in different places i was at on the shore, that was better or more pious thanthose unenlightened indians; but they either worked or slept on sundays: and, to my sorrow,working was too much sunday's employment with ourselves; so much so, that in some lengthof time we really did not know one day from another. this mode of living laid the foundation ofmy decamping at last.

the natives are well made and warlike; andthey particularly boast of having never been conquered by the spaniards. they are great drinkers of strong liquorswhen they can get them. we used to distil rum from pine apples, whichwere very plentiful here; and then we could not get them away from our place. yet they seemed to be singular, in point ofhonesty, above any other nation i was ever amongst. the country being hot, we lived under an openshed, where we had all kinds of goods, without a door or a lock to any one article; yet weslept in safety, and never lost any thing,

or were disturbed. this surprised us a good deal; and the doctor,myself, and others, used to say, if we were to lie in that manner in europe we shouldhave our throats cut the first night. the indian governor goes once in a certaintime all about the province or district, and has a number of men with him as attendantsand assistants. he settles all the differences among the people,like the judge here, and is treated with very great respect. he took care to give us timely notice beforehe came to our habitation, by sending his stick as a token, for rum, sugar, and gunpowder,which we did not refuse sending; and at the

same time we made the utmost preparation toreceive his honour and his train. when he came with his tribe, and all our neighbouringchieftains, we expected to find him a grave reverend judge, solid and sagacious; but insteadof that, before he and his gang came in sight, we heard them very clamorous; and they evenhad plundered some of our good neighbouring indians, having intoxicated themselves withour liquor. when they arrived we did not know what tomake of our new guests, and would gladly have dispensed with the honour of their company. however, having no alternative, we feastedthem plentifully all the day till the evening; when the governor, getting quite drunk, grewvery unruly, and struck one of our most friendly

chiefs, who was our nearest neighbour, andalso took his gold-laced hat from him. at this a great commotion taken place; andthe doctor interfered to make peace, as we could all understand one another, but to nopurpose; and at last they became so outrageous that the doctor, fearing he might get intotrouble, left the house, and made the best of his way to the nearest wood, leaving meto do as well as i could among them. i was so enraged with the governor, that icould have wished to have seen him tied fast to a tree and flogged for his behaviour; buti had not people enough to cope with his party. i therefore thought of a stratagem to appeasethe riot. recollecting a passage i had read in the lifeof columbus, when he was amongst the indians

in mexico or peru, where, on some occasion,he frightened them, by telling them of certain events in the heavens, i had recourse to thesame expedient; and it succeeded beyond my most sanguine expectations. when i had formed my determination, i wentin the midst of them; and, taking hold of the governor, i pointed up to the heavens. i menaced him and the rest: i told them godlived there, and that he was angry with them, and they must not quarrel so; that they wereall brothers, and if they did not leave off, and go away quietly, i would take the book(pointing to the bible), read, and tell god to make them dead.

this was something like magic. the clamour immediately ceased, and i gavethem some rum and a few other things; after which they went away peaceably; and the governorafterwards gave our neighbour, who was called captain plasmyah, his hat again. when the doctor returned, he was exceedinglyglad at my success in thus getting rid of our troublesome guests. the musquito people within our vicinity, outof respect to the doctor, myself and his people, made entertainments of the grand kind, calledin their tongue tourrie or dryckbot. the english of this expression is, a feastof drinking about, of which it seems a corruption

of language. the drink consisted of pine apples roasted,and casades chewed or beaten in mortars; which, after lying some time, ferments, and becomesso strong as to intoxicate, when drank in any quantity. we had timely notice given to us of the entertainment. a white family, within five miles of us, toldus how the drink was made, and i and two others went before the time to the village, wherethe mirth was appointed to be held; and there we saw the whole art of making the drink,and also the kind of animals that were to be eaten there.

i cannot say the sight of either the drinkor the meat were enticing to me. they had some thousands of pine apples roasting,which they squeezed, dirt and all, into a canoe they had there for the purpose. the casade drink was in beef barrels and othervessels, and looked exactly like hog-wash. men, women, and children, were thus employedin roasting the pine apples, and squeezing them with their hands. for food they had many land torpins or tortoises,some dried turtle, and three large alligators alive, and tied fast to the trees. i asked the people what they were going todo with these alligators; and i was told they

were to be eaten. i was much surprised at this, and went home,not a little disgusted at the preparations. when the day of the feast was come, we tooksome rum with us, and went to the appointed place, where we found a great assemblage ofthese people, who received us very kindly. the mirth had begun before we came; and theywere dancing with music: and the musical instruments were nearly the same as those of any othersable people; but, as i thought, much less melodious than any other nation i ever knew. they had many curious gestures in dancing,and a variety of motions and postures of their bodies, which to me were in no wise attracting.

the males danced by themselves, and the femalesalso by themselves, as with us. the doctor shewed his people the example,by immediately joining the women's party, though not by their choice. on perceiving the women disgusted, he joinedthe males. at night there were great illuminations, bysetting fire to many pine trees, while the dryckbot went round merrily by calabashesor gourds: but the liquor might more justly be called eating than drinking. one owden, the oldest father in the vicinity,was dressed in a strange and terrifying form. around his body were skins adorned with differentkinds of feathers, and he had on his head

a very large and high head-piece, in the formof a grenadier's cap, with prickles like a porcupine; and he made a certain noise whichresembled the cry of an alligator. our people skipped amongst them out of complaisance,though some could not drink of their tourrie; but our rum met with customers enough, andwas soon gone. the alligators were killed and some of themroasted. their manner of roasting is by digging a holein the earth, and filling it with wood, which they burn to coal, and then they lay sticksacross, on which they set the meat. i had a raw piece of the alligator in my hand:it was very rich: i thought it looked like fresh salmon, and it had a most fragrant smell,but i could not eat any of it.

this merry-making at last ended without theleast discord in any person in the company, although it was made up of different nationsand complexions. the rainy season came on here about the latterend of may, which continued till august very heavily; so that the rivers were overflowed,and our provisions then in the ground were washed away. i thought this was in some measure a judgmentupon us for working on sundays, and it hurt my mind very much. i often wished to leave this place and sailfor europe; for our mode of procedure and living in this heathenish form was very irksometo me.

the word of god saith, 'what does it availa man if he gain the whole world, and lose his own soul?' this was much and heavily impressed on mymind; and, though i did not know how to speak to the doctor for my discharge, it was disagreeablefor me to stay any longer. but about the middle of june i took courageenough to ask him for it. he was very unwilling at first to grant myrequest; but i gave him so many reasons for it, that at last he consented to my going,and gave me the following certificate of my behaviour: 'the bearer, gustavus vassa, has served meseveral years with strict honesty, sobriety,

and fidelity. i can, therefore, with justice recommend himfor these qualifications; and indeed in every respect i consider him as an excellent servant. i do hereby certify that he always behavedwell, and that he is perfectly trust-worthy. 'charles irving.' musquito shore, june 15, 1776. though i was much attached to the doctor,i was happy when he consented. i got every thing ready for my departure,and hired some indians, with a large canoe, to carry me off.

all my poor countrymen, the slaves, when theyheard of my leaving them, were very sorry, as i had always treated them with care andaffection, and did every thing i could to comfort the poor creatures, and render theircondition easy. having taken leave of my old friends and companions,on the 18th of june, accompanied by the doctor, i left that spot of the world, and went southwardabove twenty miles along the river. there i found a sloop, the captain of whichtold me he was going to jamaica. having agreed for my passage with him andone of the owners, who was also on board, named hughes, the doctor and i parted, notwithout shedding tears on both sides. the vessel then sailed along the river tillnight, when she stopped in a lagoon within

the same river. during the night a schooner belonging to thesame owners came in, and, as she was in want of hands, hughes, the owner of the sloop,asked me to go in the schooner as a sailor, and said he would give me wages. i thanked him; but i said i wanted to go tojamaica. he then immediately changed his tone, andswore, and abused me very much, and asked how i came to be freed. i told him, and said that i came into thatvicinity with dr. irving, whom he had seen that day.

this account was of no use; he still sworeexceedingly at me, and cursed the master for a fool that sold me my freedom, and the doctorfor another in letting me go from him. then he desired me to go in the schooner,or else i should not go out of the sloop as a freeman. i said this was very hard, and begged to beput on shore again; but he swore that i should i said i had been twice amongst the turks,yet had never seen any such usage with them, and much less could i have expected any thingof this kind amongst christians. this incensed him exceedingly; and, with avolley of oaths and imprecations, he replied, 'christians!

damn you, you are one of st. paul's men; butby g——, except you have st. paul's or st. peter's faith, and walk upon the waterto the shore, you shall not go out of the vessel;' which i now found was going amongstthe spaniards towards carthagena, where he swore he would sell me. i simply asked him what right he had to sellme? but, without another word, he made some ofhis people tie ropes round each of my ancles, and also to each wrist, and another rope roundmy body, and hoisted me up without letting my feet touch or rest upon any thing. thus i hung, without any crime committed,and without judge or jury; merely because

i was a free man, and could not by the lawget any redress from a white person in those parts of the world. i was in great pain from my situation, andcried and begged very hard for some mercy; but all in vain. my tyrant, in a great rage, brought a musquetout of the cabin, and loaded it before me and the crew, and swore that he would shootme if i cried any more. i had now no alternative; i therefore remainedsilent, seeing not one white man on board who said a word on my behalf. i hung in that manner from between ten andeleven o'clock at night till about one in

the morning; when, finding my cruel abuserfast asleep, i begged some of his slaves to slack the rope that was round my body, thatmy feet might rest on something. this they did at the risk of being cruellyused by their master, who beat some of them severely at first for not tying me when hecommanded them. whilst i remained in this condition, tillbetween five and six o'clock next morning, i trust i prayed to god to forgive this blasphemer,who cared not what he did, but when he got up out of his sleep in the morning was ofthe very same temper and disposition as when he left me at night. when they got up the anchor, and the vesselwas getting under way, i once more cried and

begged to be released; and now, being fortunatelyin the way of their hoisting the sails, they released me. when i was let down, i spoke to one mr. cox,a carpenter, whom i knew on board, on the impropriety of this conduct. he also knew the doctor, and the good opinionhe ever had of me. this man then went to the captain, and toldhim not to carry me away in that manner; that i was the doctor's steward, who regarded mevery highly, and would resent this usage when he should come to know it. on which he desired a young man to put meashore in a small canoe i brought with me.

this sound gladdened my heart, and i got hastilyinto the canoe and set off, whilst my tyrant was down in the cabin; but he soon spied meout, when i was not above thirty or forty yards from the vessel, and, running upon thedeck with a loaded musket in his hand, he presented it at me, and swore heavily anddreadfully, that he would shoot me that instant, if i did not come back on board. as i knew the wretch would have done as hesaid, without hesitation, i put back to the vessel again; but, as the good lord wouldhave it, just as i was alongside he was abusing the captain for letting me go from the vessel;which the captain returned, and both of them soon got into a very great heat.

the young man that was with me now got outof the canoe; the vessel was sailing on fast with a smooth sea: and i then thought it wasneck or nothing, so at that instant i set off again, for my life, in the canoe, towardsthe shore; and fortunately the confusion was so great amongst them on board, that i gotout of the reach of the musquet shot unnoticed, while the vessel sailed on with a fair winda different way; so that they could not overtake me without tacking: but even before that couldbe done i should have been on shore, which i soon reached, with many thanks to god forthis unexpected deliverance. i then went and told the other owner, wholived near that shore (with whom i had agreed for my passage) of the usage i had met with.

he was very much astonished, and appearedvery sorry for it. after treating me with kindness, he gave mesome refreshment, and three heads of roasted indian corn, for a voyage of about eighteenmiles south, to look for another vessel. he then directed me to an indian chief ofa district, who was also the musquito admiral, and had once been at our dwelling; after whichi set off with the canoe across a large lagoon alone (for i could not get any one to assistme), though i was much jaded, and had pains in my bowels, by means of the rope i had hungby the night before. i was therefore at different times unableto manage the canoe, for the paddling was very laborious.

however, a little before dark i got to mydestined place, where some of the indians knew me, and received me kindly. i asked for the admiral; and they conductedme to his dwelling. he was glad to see me, and refreshed me withsuch things as the place afforded; and i had a hammock to sleep in. they acted towards me more like christiansthan those whites i was amongst the last night, though they had been baptized. i told the admiral i wanted to go to the nextport to get a vessel to carry me to jamaica; and requested him to send the canoe back whichi then had, for which i was to pay him.

he agreed with me, and sent five able indianswith a large canoe to carry my things to my intended place, about fifty miles; and weset off the next morning. when we got out of the lagoon and went alongshore, the sea was so high that the canoe was oftentimes very near being filled withwater. we were obliged to go ashore and drag acrossdifferent necks of land; we were also two nights in the swamps, which swarmed with musquitoflies, and they proved troublesome to us. this tiresome journey of land and water ended,however, on the third day, to my great joy; and i got on board of a sloop commanded byone captain jenning. she was then partly loaded, and he told mehe was expecting daily to sail for jamaica;

and having agreed with me to work my passage,i went to work accordingly. i was not many days on board before we sailed;but to my sorrow and disappointment, though used to such tricks, we went to the southwardalong the musquito shore, instead of steering for jamaica. i was compelled to assist in cutting a greatdeal of mahogany wood on the shore as we coasted along it, and load the vessel with it, beforeshe sailed. this fretted me much; but, as i did not knowhow to help myself among these deceivers, i thought patience was the only remedy i hadleft, and even that was forced. there was much hard work and little victualson board, except by good luck we happened

to catch turtles. on this coast there was also a particularkind of fish called manatee, which is most excellent eating, and the flesh is more likebeef than fish; the scales are as large as a shilling, and the skin thicker than i eversaw that of any other fish. within the brackish waters along shore therewere likewise vast numbers of alligators, which made the fish scarce. i was on board this sloop sixteen days, duringwhich, in our coasting, we came to another place, where there was a smaller sloop calledthe indian queen, commanded by one john baker. he also was an englishman, and had been along time along the shore trading for turtle

shells and silver, and had got a good quantityof each on board. he wanted some hands very much; and, understandingi was a free man, and wanted to go to jamaica, he told me if he could get one or two, thathe would sail immediately for that island: he also pretended to me some marks of attentionand respect, and promised to give me forty-five shillings sterling a month if i would go withhim. i thought this much better than cutting woodfor nothing. i therefore told the other captain that iwanted to go to jamaica in the other vessel; but he would not listen to me: and, seeingme resolved to go in a day or two, he got the vessel to sail, intending to carry meaway against my will.

this treatment mortified me extremely. i immediately, according to an agreement ihad made with the captain of the indian queen, called for her boat, which was lying nearus, and it came alongside; and, by the means of a north-pole shipmate which i met within the sloop i was in, i got my things into the boat, and went on board of the indianqueen, july the 10th. a few days after i was there, we got all thingsready and sailed: but again, to my great mortification, this vessel still went to the south, nearlyas far as carthagena, trading along the coast, instead of going to jamaica, as the captainhad promised me: and, what was worst of all, he was a very cruel and bloody-minded man,and was a horrid blasphemer.

among others he had a white pilot, one stoker,whom he beat often as severely as he did some negroes he had on board. one night in particular, after he had beatenthis man most cruelly, he put him into the boat, and made two negroes row him to a desolatekey, or small island; and he loaded two pistols, and swore bitterly that he would shoot thenegroes if they brought stoker on board again. there was not the least doubt but that hewould do as he said, and the two poor fellows were obliged to obey the cruel mandate; but,when the captain was asleep, the two negroes took a blanket and carried it to the unfortunatestoker, which i believe was the means of saving his life from the annoyance of insects.

a great deal of entreaty was used with thecaptain the next day, before he would consent to let stoker come on board; and when thepoor man was brought on board he was very ill, from his situation during the night,and he remained so till he was drowned a little time after. as we sailed southward we came to many uninhabitedislands, which were overgrown with fine large cocoa nuts. as i was very much in want of provisions,i brought a boat load of them on board, which lasted me and others for several weeks, andafforded us many a delicious repast in our scarcity.

one day, before this, i could not help observingthe providential hand of god, that ever supplies all our wants, though in the ways and mannerwe know not. i had been a whole day without food, and madesignals for boats to come off, but in vain. i therefore earnestly prayed to god for reliefin my need; and at the close of the evening i went off the deck. just as i laid down i heard a noise on thedeck; and, not knowing what it meant, i went directly on the the deck again, when whatshould i see but a fine large fish about seven or eight pounds, which had jumped aboard! i took it, and admired, with thanks, the goodhand of god; and, what i considered as not

less extraordinary, the captain, who was veryavaricious, did not attempt to take it from me, there being only him and i on board; forthe rest were all gone ashore trading. sometimes the people did not come off forsome days: this used to fret the captain, and then he would vent his fury on me by beatingme, or making me feel in other cruel ways. one day especially, in his wild, wicked, andmad career, after striking me several times with different things, and once across mymouth, even with a red burning stick out of the fire, he got a barrel of gunpowder onthe deck, and swore that he would blow up i was then at my wit's end, and earnestlyprayed to god to direct me. the head was out of the barrel; and the captaintook a lighted stick out of the fire to blow

himself and me up, because there was a vesselthen in sight coming in, which he supposed was a spaniard, and he was afraid of fallinginto their hands. seeing this i got an axe, unnoticed by him,and placed myself between him and the powder, having resolved in myself as soon as he attemptedto put the fire in the barrel to chop him down that instant. i was more than an hour in this situation;during which he struck me often, still keeping the fire in his hand for this wicked purpose. i really should have thought myself justifiablein any other part of the world if i had killed him, and prayed to god, who gave me a mindwhich rested solely on himself.

i prayed for resignation, that his will mightbe done; and the following two portions of his holy word, which occurred to my mind,buoyed up my hope, and kept me from taking the life of this wicked man. 'he hath determined the times before appointed,and set bounds to our habitations,' acts xvii. 26. and, 'who is there amongst you that feareththe lord, that obeyeth the voice of his servant, that walketh in darkness and hath no light? let him trust in the name of the lord, andstay upon his god,' isaiah 1. 10.

and thus by the grace of god i was enabledto do. i found him a present help in the time ofneed, and the captain's fury began to subside as the night approached: but i found, "that he who cannot stem his anger's tidedoth a wild horse without a bridle ride." the next morning we discovered that the vesselwhich had caused such a fury in the captain was an english sloop. they soon came to an anchor where we were,and, to my no small surprise, i learned that doctor irving was on board of her on his wayfrom the musquito shore to jamaica. i was for going immediately to see this oldmaster and friend, but the captain would not

suffer me to leave the vessel. i then informed the doctor, by letter, howi was treated, and begged that he would take me out of the sloop: but he informed me thatit was not in his power, as he was a passenger himself; but he sent me some rum and sugarfor my own use. i now learned that after i had left the estatewhich i managed for this gentleman on the musquito shore, during which the slaves werewell fed and comfortable, a white overseer had supplied my place: this man, through inhumanityand ill-judged avarice, beat and cut the poor slaves most unmercifully; and the consequencewas, that every one got into a large puriogua canoe, and endeavoured to escape; but notknowing where to go, or how to manage the

canoe, they were all drowned; in consequenceof which the doctor's plantation was left uncultivated, and he was now returning tojamaica to purchase more slaves and stock it again. on the 14th of october the indian queen arrivedat kingston in jamaica. when we were unloaded i demanded my wages,which amounted to eight pounds and five shillings sterling; but captain baker refused to giveme one farthing, although it was the hardest-earned money i ever worked for in my life. i found out doctor irving upon this, and acquaintedhim of the captain's knavery. he did all he could to help me to get my money;and we went to every magistrate in kingston

(and there were nine), but they all refusedto do any thing for me, and said my oath could not be admitted against a white man. nor was this all; for baker threatened thathe would beat me severely if he could catch me for attempting to demand my money; andthis he would have done, but that i got, by means of dr. irving, under the protectionof captain douglas of the squirrel man of war. i thought this exceedingly hard usage; thoughindeed i found it to be too much the practice there to pay free men for their labour inthis manner. one day i went with a free negroe taylor,named joe diamond, to one mr. cochran, who

was indebted to him some trifling sum; andthe man, not being able to get his money, began to murmur. the other immediately took a horse-whip topay him with it; but, by the help of a good pair of heels, the taylor got off. such oppressions as these made me seek fora vessel to get off the island as fast as i could; and by the mercy of god i found aship in november bound for england, when i embarked with a convoy, after having takena last farewell of doctor irving. when i left jamaica he was employed in refiningsugars; and some months after my arrival in england i learned, with much sorrow, thatthis my amiable friend was dead, owing to

his having eaten some poisoned fish. we had many very heavy gales of wind in ourpassage; in the course of which no material incident occurred, except that an americanprivateer, falling in with the fleet, was captured and set fire to by his majesty'sship the squirrel. on january the seventh, 1777, we arrived atplymouth. i was happy once more to tread upon englishground; and, after passing some little time at plymouth and exeter among some pious friends,whom i was happy to see, i went to london with a heart replete with thanks to god forall past mercies. xii.

different transactions of the author's lifetill the present time—his application to the late bishop of london to be appointeda missionary to africa—some account of his share in the conduct of the late expeditionto sierra leona—petition to the queen—conclusion. such were the various scenes which i was awitness to, and the fortune i experienced until the year 1777. since that period my life has been more uniform,and the incidents of it fewer, than in any other equal number of years preceding; i thereforehasten to the conclusion of a narrative, which i fear the reader may think already sufficientlytedious. i had suffered so many impositions in my commercialtransactions in different parts of the world,

that i became heartily disgusted with thesea-faring life, and i was determined not to return to it, at least for some time. i therefore once more engaged in service shortlyafter my return, and continued for the most part in this situation until 1784. soon after my arrival in london, i saw a remarkablecircumstance relative to african complexion, which i thought so extraordinary, that i begleave just to mention it: a white negro woman, that i had formerly seen in london and otherparts, had married a white man, by whom she had three boys, and they were every one mulattoes,and yet they had fine light hair. in 1779 i served governor macnamara, who hadbeen a considerable time on the coast of africa.

in the time of my service, i used to ask frequentlyother servants to join me in family prayers; but this only excited their mockery. however, the governor, understanding thati was of a religious turn, wished to know of what religion i was; i told him i was aprotestant of the church of england, agreeable to the thirty-nine articles of that church,and that whomsoever i found to preach according to that doctrine, those i would hear. a few days after this, we had some more discourseon the same subject: the governor spoke to me on it again, and said that he would, ifi chose, as he thought i might be of service in converting my countrymen to the gospelfaith, get me sent out as a missionary to

i at first refused going, and told him howi had been served on a like occasion by some white people the last voyage i went to jamaica,when i attempted (if it were the will of god) to be the means of converting the indian prince;and i said i supposed they would serve me worse than alexander the coppersmith did st.paul, if i should attempt to go amongst them in africa. he told me not to fear, for he would applyto the bishop of london to get me ordained. on these terms i consented to the governor'sproposal to go to africa, in hope of doing good if possible amongst my countrymen; so,in order to have me sent out properly, we immediately wrote the following letters tothe late bishop of london: to the right reverend

father in god, robert, lord bishop of london:the memorial of gustavus vassa sheweth, that your memorialist is a nativeof africa, and has a knowledge of the manners and customs of the inhabitants of that country. that your memorialist has resided in differentparts of europe for twenty-two years last past, and embraced the christian faith inthe year 1759. that your memorialist is desirous of returningto africa as a missionary, if encouraged by your lordship, in hopes of being able to prevailupon his countrymen to become christians; and your memorialist is the more induced toundertake the same, from the success that has attended the like undertakings when encouragedby the portuguese through their different

settlements on the coast of africa, and alsoby the dutch: both governments encouraging the blacks, who, by their education are qualifiedto undertake the same, and are found more proper than european clergymen, unacquaintedwith the language and customs of the country. your memorialist's only motive for solicitingthe office of a missionary is, that he may be a means, under god, of reforming his countrymenand persuading them to embrace the christian religion. therefore your memorialist humbly prays yourlordship's encouragement and support in the undertaking. gustavus vassa.

at mr. guthrie's, taylor, no. 17, hedge-lane. my lord, i have resided near seven years onthe coast of africa, for most part of the time as commanding officer. from the knowledge i have of the country andits inhabitants, i am inclined to think that the within plan will be attended with greatsuccess, if countenanced by your lordship. i beg leave further to represent to your lordship,that the like attempts, when encouraged by other governments, have met with uncommonsuccess; and at this very time i know a very respectable character a black priest at capecoast castle. i know the within named gustavus vassa, andbelieve him a moral good man.

i have the honour to be, my lord, your lordship'shumble and obedient servant, matt. macnamara. grove, 11th march 1779. this letter was also accompanied by the followingfrom doctor wallace, who had resided in africa for many years, and whose sentiments on thesubject of an african mission were the same with governor macnamara's. march 13, 1779. my lord, i have resided near five years onsenegambia on the coast of africa, and have had the honour of filling very considerableemployments in that province.

i do approve of the within plan, and thinkthe undertaking very laudable and proper, and that it deserves your lordship's protectionand encouragement, in which case it must be attended with the intended success. i am, my lord, your lordship's humble andobedient servant, thomas wallace. with these letters, i waited on the bishopby the governor's desire, and presented them to his lordship. he received me with much condescension andpoliteness; but, from some certain scruples of delicacy, declined to ordain me. my sole motive for thus dwelling on this transaction,or inserting these papers, is the opinion

which gentlemen of sense and education, whoare acquainted with africa, entertain of the probability of converting the inhabitantsof it to the faith of jesus christ, if the attempt were countenanced by the legislature. shortly after this i left the governor, andserved a nobleman in the devonshire militia, with whom i was encamped at coxheath for sometime; but the operations there were too minute and uninteresting to make a detail of. in the year 1783 i visited eight countiesin wales, from motives of curiosity. while i was in that part of the country iwas led to go down into a coal-pit in shropshire, but my curiosity nearly cost me my life; forwhile i was in the pit the coals fell in,

and buried one poor man, who was not far fromme: upon this i got out as fast as i could, thinking the surface of the earth the safestpart of it. in the spring 1784 i thought of visiting oldocean again. in consequence of this i embarked as stewardon board a fine new ship called the london, commanded by martin hopkin, and sailed fornew-york. i admired this city very much; it is largeand well-built, and abounds with provisions of all kinds. while we lay here a circumstance happenedwhich i thought extremely singular:—one day a malefactor was to be executed on a gallows;but with a condition that if any woman, having

nothing on but her shift, married the manunder the gallows, his life was to be saved. this extraordinary privilege was claimed;a woman presented herself; and the marriage ceremony was performed. our ship having got laden we returned to londonin january 1785. when she was ready again for another voyage,the captain being an agreeable man, i sailed with him from hence in the spring, march 1785,for philadelphia. on the fifth of april we took our departurefrom the land's-end, with a pleasant gale; and about nine o'clock that night the moonshone bright, and the sea was smooth, while our ship was going free by the wind, at therate of about four or five miles an hour.

at this time another ship was going nearlyas fast as we on the opposite point, meeting us right in the teeth, yet none on board observedeither ship until we struck each other forcibly head and head, to the astonishment and consternationof both crews. she did us much damage, but i believe we didher more; for when we passed by each other, which we did very quickly, they called tous to bring to, and hoist out our boat, but we had enough to do to mind ourselves; andin about eight minutes we saw no more of her. we refitted as well as we could the next day,and proceeded on our voyage, and in may arrived at philadelphia. i was very glad to see this favourite oldtown once more; and my pleasure was much increased

in seeing the worthy quakers freeing and easingthe burthens of many of my oppressed african brethren. it rejoiced my heart when one of these friendlypeople took me to see a free-school they had erected for every denomination of black people,whose minds are cultivated here and forwarded to virtue; and thus they are made useful membersof the community. does not the success of this practice sayloudly to the planters in the language of scripture—"go ye and do likewise?" in october 1785 i was accompanied by someof the africans, and presented this address of thanks to the gentlemen called friendsor quakers, in gracechurch-court lombard-street:

gentlemen, by reading your book, entitleda caution to great britain and her colonies, concerning the calamitous state of the enslavednegroes: we the poor, oppressed, needy, and much-degraded negroes, desire to approachyou with this address of thanks, with our inmost love and warmest acknowledgment; andwith the deepest sense of your benevolence, unwearied labour, and kind interposition,towards breaking the yoke of slavery, and to administer a little comfort and ease tothousands and tens of thousands of very grievously afflicted, and too heavy burthened negroes. gentlemen, could you, by perseverance, atlast be enabled, under god, to lighten in any degree the heavy burthen of the afflicted,no doubt it would, in some measure, be the

possible means, under god, of saving the soulsof many of the oppressors; and, if so, sure we are that the god, whose eyes are ever uponall his creatures, and always rewards every true act of virtue, and regards the prayersof the oppressed, will give to you and yours those blessings which it is not in our powerto express or conceive, but which we, as a part of those captived, oppressed, and afflictedpeople, most earnestly wish and pray for. these gentlemen received us very kindly, witha promise to exert themselves on behalf of the oppressed africans, and we parted. while in town i chanced once to be invitedto a quaker's wedding. the simple and yet expressive mode used attheir solemnizations is worthy of note.

the following is the true form of it: after the company have met they have seasonableexhortations by several of the members; the bride and bridegroom stand up, and, takingeach other by the hand in a solemn manner, the man audily declares to this purpose: "friends, in the fear of the lord, and inthe presence of this assembly, whom i desire to be my witnesses, i take this my friend,m.n. to be my wife; promising, through divine assistance, to be unto her a loving and faithfulhusband till death separate us:" and the woman makes the like declaration. then the two first sign their names to therecord, and as many more witnesses as have

a mind. i had the honour to subscribe mine to a registerin gracechurch-court, lombard-street. we returned to london in august; and our shipnot going immediately to sea, i shipped as a steward in an american ship called the harmony,captain john willet, and left london in march 1786, bound to philadelphia. eleven days after sailing we carried our foremastaway. we had a nine weeks passage, which causedour trip not to succeed well, the market for our goods proving bad; and, to make it worse,my commander began to play me the like tricks as others too often practise on free negroesin the west indies.

but i thank god i found many friends here,who in some measure prevented him. on my return to london in august i was veryagreeably surprised to find that the benevolence of government had adopted the plan of somephilanthropic individuals to send the africans from hence to their native quarter; and thatsome vessels were then engaged to carry them to sierra leone; an act which redounded tothe honour of all concerned in its promotion, and filled me with prayers and much rejoicing. there was then in the city a select committeeof gentlemen for the black poor, to some of whom i had the honour of being known; and,as soon as they heard of my arrival they sent for me to the committee.

when i came there they informed me of theintention of government; and as they seemed to think me qualified to superintend partof the undertaking, they asked me to go with the black poor to africa. i pointed out to them many objections to mygoing; and particularly i expressed some difficulties on the account of the slave dealers, as iwould certainly oppose their traffic in the human species by every means in my power. however these objections were over-ruled bythe gentlemen of the committee, who prevailed on me to go, and recommended me to the honourablecommissioners of his majesty's navy as a proper person to act as commissary for governmentin the intended expedition; and they accordingly

appointed me in november 1786 to that office,and gave me sufficient power to act for the government in the capacity of commissary,having received my warrant and the following order. by the principal officers and commissionersof his majesty's navy. whereas you were directed, by our warrantof the 4th of last month, to receive into your charge from mr. irving the surplus provisionsremaining of what was provided for the voyage, as well as the provisions for the supportof the black poor, after the landing at sierra leone, with the cloathing, tools, and allother articles provided at government's expense;

and as the provisions were laid in at therate of two months for the voyage, and for four months after the landing, but the numberembarked being so much less than was expected, whereby there may be a considerable surplusof provisions, cloathing, &c. these are, in addition to former orders, todirect and require you to appropriate or dispose of such surplus to the best advantage youcan for the benefit of government, keeping and rendering to us a faithful account ofwhat you do herein. and for your guidance in preventing any whitepersons going, who are not intended to have the indulgences of being carried thither,we send you herewith a list of those recommended by the committee for the black poor as properpersons to be permitted to embark, and acquaint

you that you are not to suffer any othersto go who do not produce a certificate from the committee for the black poor, of theirhaving their permission for it. for which this shall be your warrant. dated at the navy office, january 16, 1787. j. hinslow, geo. marsh, w. palmer. to mr. gustavus vassa, commissary of provisionsand stores for the black poor going to sierra leone. i proceeded immediately to the execution ofmy duty on board the vessels destined for

the voyage, where i continued till the marchfollowing. during my continuance in the employment ofgovernment, i was struck with the flagrant abuses committed by the agent, and endeavouredto remedy them, but without effect. one instance, among many which i could produce,may serve as a specimen. government had ordered to be provided allnecessaries (slops, as they are called, included) for 750 persons; however, not being able tomuster more than 426, i was ordered to send the superfluous slops, &c. to the king's storesat portsmouth; but, when i demanded them for that purpose from the agent, it appeared theyhad never been bought, though paid for by government.

but that was not all, government were notthe only objects of peculation; these poor people suffered infinitely more; their accommodationswere most wretched; many of them wanted beds, and many more cloathing and other necessaries. for the truth of this, and much more, i donot seek credit from my own assertion. i appeal to the testimony of capt. thompson,of the nautilus, who convoyed us, to whom i applied in february 1787 for a remedy, wheni had remonstrated to the agent in vain, and even brought him to be a witness of the injusticeand oppression i complained of. i appeal also to a letter written by thesewretched people, so early as the beginning of the preceding january, and published inthe morning herald of the 4th of that month,

signed by twenty of their chiefs. i could not silently suffer government tobe thus cheated, and my countrymen plundered and oppressed, and even left destitute ofthe necessaries for almost their existence. i therefore informed the commissioners ofthe navy of the agent's proceeding; but my dismission was soon after procured, by meansof a gentleman in the city, whom the agent, conscious of his peculation, had deceivedby letter, and whom, moreover, empowered the same agent to receive on board, at the governmentexpense, a number of persons as passengers, contrary to the orders i received. by this i suffered a considerable loss inmy property: however, the commissioners were

satisfied with my conduct, and wrote to capt.thompson, expressing their approbation of thus provided, they proceeded on their voyage;and at last, worn out by treatment, perhaps not the most mild, and wasted by sickness,brought on by want of medicine, cloaths, bedding, &c. they reached sierra leone just at thecommencement of the rains. at that season of the year it is impossibleto cultivate the lands; their provisions therefore were exhausted before they could derive anybenefit from agriculture; and it is not surprising that many, especially the lascars, whose constitutionsare very tender, and who had been cooped up in ships from october to june, and accommodatedin the manner i have mentioned, should be so wasted by their confinement as not longto survive it.

thus ended my part of the long-talked-of expeditionto sierra leone; an expedition which, however unfortunate in the event, was humane and politicin its design, nor was its failure owing to government: every thing was done on theirpart; but there was evidently sufficient mismanagement attending the conduct and execution of itto defeat its success. i should not have been so ample in my accountof this transaction, had not the share i bore in it been made the subject of partial animadversion,and even my dismission from my employment thought worthy of being made by some a matterof public triumph[x]. the motives which might influence any personto descend to a petty contest with an obscure african, and to seek gratification by hisdepression, perhaps it is not proper here

to inquire into or relate, even if its detectionwere necessary to my vindication; but i thank heaven it is not. i wish to stand by my own integrity, and notto shelter myself under the impropriety of another; and i trust the behaviour of thecommissioners of the navy to me entitle me to make this assertion; for after i had beendismissed, march 24, i drew up a memorial thus: to the right honourable the lords commissionersof his majesty's treasury: the memorial and petitionof gustavus vassa a black man, late commissary to the black poor going to africa.

humbly sheweth, that your lordships' memorialistwas, by the honourable the commissioners of his majesty's navy, on the 4th of decemberlast, appointed to the above employment by warrant from that board; that he accordingly proceeded to the executionof his duty on board of the vernon, being one of the ships appointed to proceed to africawith the above poor; that your memorialist, to his great griefand astonishment, received a letter of dismission from the honourable commissioners of the navy,by your lordships' orders; that, conscious of having acted with the mostperfect fidelity and the greatest assiduity in discharging the trust reposed in him, heis altogether at a loss to conceive the reasons

of your lordships' having altered the favourableopinion you were pleased to conceive of him, sensible that your lordships would not proceedto so severe a measure without some apparent good cause; he therefore has every reasonto believe that his conduct has been grossly misrepresented to your lordships; and he isthe more confirmed in his opinion, because, by opposing measures of others concerned inthe same expedition, which tended to defeat your lordships' humane intentions, and toput the government to a very considerable additional expense, he created a number ofenemies, whose misrepresentations, he has too much reason to believe, laid the foundationof his dismission. unsupported by friends, and unaided by theadvantages of a liberal education, he can

only hope for redress from the justice ofhis cause, in addition to the mortification of having been removed from his employment,and the advantage which he reasonably might have expected to have derived therefrom. he has had the misfortune to have sunk a considerablepart of his little property in fitting himself out, and in other expenses arising out ofhis situation, an account of which he here annexes. your memorialist will not trouble your lordshipswith a vindication of any part of his conduct, because he knows not of what crimes he isaccused; he, however, earnestly entreats that you will be pleased to direct an inquiry intohis behaviour during the time he acted in

the public service; and, if it be found thathis dismission arose from false representations, he is confident that in your lordships' justicehe shall find redress. your petitioner therefore humbly prays thatyour lordships will take his case into consideration, and that you will be pleased to order paymentof the above referred-to account, amounting to 32l. 4s. and also the wages intended, whichis most humbly submitted. london, may 12, 1787. the above petition was delivered into thehands of their lordships, who were kind enough, in the space of some few months afterwards,without hearing, to order me 50l. sterling—that is, 18l. wages for the time (upwards of fourmonths) i acted a faithful part in their service.

certainly the sum is more than a free negrowould have had in the western colonies!!! march the 21st, 1788, i had the honour ofpresenting the queen with a petition on behalf of my african brethren, which was receivedmost graciously by her majesty[y]: to the queen's most excellent majesty madam,your majesty's well known benevolence and humanity emboldens me to approach your royalpresence, trusting that the obscurity of my situation will not prevent your majesty fromattending to the sufferings for which i plead. yet i do not solicit your royal pity for myown distress; my sufferings, although numerous, are in a measure forgotten. i supplicate your majesty's compassion formillions of my african countrymen, who groan

under the lash of tyranny in the west indies. the oppression and cruelty exercised to theunhappy negroes there, have at length reached the british legislature, and they are nowdeliberating on its redress; even several persons of property in slaves in the westindies, have petitioned parliament against its continuance, sensible that it is as impoliticas it is unjust—and what is inhuman must ever be unwise. your majesty's reign has been hitherto distinguishedby private acts of benevolence and bounty; surely the more extended the misery is, thegreater claim it has to your majesty's compassion, and the greater must be your majesty's pleasurein administering to its relief.

i presume, therefore, gracious queen, to imploreyour interposition with your royal consort, in favour of the wretched africans; that,by your majesty's benevolent influence, a period may now be put to their misery; andthat they may be raised from the condition of brutes, to which they are at present degraded,to the rights and situation of freemen, and admitted to partake of the blessings of yourmajesty's happy government; so shall your majesty enjoy the heartfelt pleasure of procuringhappiness to millions, and be rewarded in the grateful prayers of themselves, and oftheir posterity. and may the all-bountiful creator shower onyour majesty, and the royal family, every blessing that this world can afford, and everyfulness of joy which divine revelation has

promised us in the next. i am your majesty's most dutiful and devotedservant to command, gustavus vassa, the oppressed ethiopean. no. 53, baldwin's gardens. the negro consolidated act, made by the assemblyof jamaica last year, and the new act of amendment now in agitation there, contain a proof ofthe existence of those charges that have been made against the planters relative to thetreatment of their slaves. i hope to have the satisfaction of seeingthe renovation of liberty and justice resting on the british government, to vindicate thehonour of our common nature.

these are concerns which do not perhaps belongto any particular office: but, to speak more seriously to every man of sentiment, actionslike these are the just and sure foundation of future fame; a reversion, though remote,is coveted by some noble minds as a substantial good. it is upon these grounds that i hope and expectthe attention of gentlemen in power. these are designs consonant to the elevationof their rank, and the dignity of their stations: they are ends suitable to the nature of afree and generous government; and, connected with views of empire and dominion, suitedto the benevolence and solid merit of the legislature.

it is a pursuit of substantial greatness.—maythe time come—at least the speculation to me is pleasing—when the sable people shallgratefully commemorate the auspicious ã¦ra of extensive freedom. then shall those persons[z] particularly benamed with praise and honour, who generously proposed and stood forth in the cause of humanity,liberty, and good policy; and brought to the ear of the legislature designs worthy of royalpatronage and adoption. may heaven make the british senators the dispersersof light, liberty, and science, to the uttermost parts of the earth: then will be glory togod on the highest, on earth peace, and goodwill to men:—glory, honour, peace, &c. to everysoul of man that worketh good, to the britons

first, (because to them the gospel is preached)and also to the nations. 'those that honour their maker have mercyon the poor.' 'it is righteousness exalteth a nation; butsin is a reproach to any people; destruction shall be to the workers of iniquity, and thewicked shall fall by their own wickedness.' may the blessings of the lord be upon theheads of all those who commiserated the cases of the oppressed negroes, and the fear ofgod prolong their days; and may their expectations be filled with gladness! 'the liberal devise liberal things, and byliberal things shall stand,' isaiah xxxii. 8.

they can say with pious job, 'did not i weepfor him that was in trouble? was not my soul grieved for the poor?' job xxx. 25. as the inhuman traffic of slavery is to betaken into the consideration of the british legislature, i doubt not, if a system of commercewas established in africa, the demand for manufactures would most rapidly augment, asthe native inhabitants will insensibly adopt the british fashions, manners, customs, &c. in proportion to the civilization, so willbe the consumption of british manufactures. the wear and tear of a continent, nearly twiceas large as europe, and rich in vegetable

and mineral productions, is much easier conceivedthan calculated. a case in point.—it cost the aboriginesof britain little or nothing in clothing, &c. the difference between their forefathers andthe present generation, in point of consumption, is literally infinite. the supposition is most obvious. it will be equally immense in africa—thesame cause, viz. civilization, will ever have the same effect. it is trading upon safe grounds.

a commercial intercourse with africa opensan inexhaustible source of wealth to the manufacturing interests of great britain, and to all whichthe slave trade is an objection. if i am not misinformed, the manufacturinginterest is equal, if not superior, to the landed interest, as to the value, for reasonswhich will soon appear. the abolition of slavery, so diabolical, willgive a most rapid extension of manufactures, which is totally and diametrically oppositeto what some interested people assert. the manufacturers of this country must andwill, in the nature and reason of things, have a full and constant employ by supplyingthe african markets. population, the bowels and surface of africa,abound in valuable and useful returns; the

hidden treasures of centuries will be broughtto light and into circulation. industry, enterprize, and mining, will havetheir full scope, proportionably as they civilize. in a word, it lays open an endless field ofcommerce to the british manufactures and merchant adventurer. the manufacturing interest and the generalinterests are synonymous. the abolition of slavery would be in realityan universal good. tortures, murder, and every other imaginablebarbarity and iniquity, are practised upon the poor slaves with impunity. i hope the slave trade will be abolished.

i pray it may be an event at hand. the great body of manufacturers, uniting inthe cause, will considerably facilitate and expedite it; and, as i have already stated,it is most substantially their interest and advantage, and as such the nation's at large,(except those persons concerned in the manufacturing neck-yokes, collars, chains, hand-cuffs, leg-bolts,drags, thumb-screws, iron muzzles, and coffins; cats, scourges, and other instruments of tortureused in the slave trade). in a short time one sentiment alone will prevail,from motives of interest as well as justice and humanity. europe contains one hundred and twenty millionsof inhabitants.

query—how many millions doth africa contain? supposing the africans, collectively and individually,to expend 5l. a head in raiment and furniture yearly when civilized, &c. an immensity beyondthe reach of imagination! this i conceive to be a theory founded uponfacts, and therefore an infallible one. if the blacks were permitted to remain intheir own country, they would double themselves every fifteen years. in proportion to such increase will be thedemand for manufactures. cotton and indigo grow spontaneously in mostparts of africa; a consideration this of no small consequence to the manufacturing townsof great britain.

it opens a most immense, glorious, and happyprospect—the clothing, &c. of a continent ten thousand miles in circumference, and immenselyrich in productions of every denomination in return for manufactures. i have only therefore to request the reader'sindulgence and conclude. i am far from the vanity of thinking thereis any merit in this narrative: i hope censure will be suspended, when it is considered thatit was written by one who was as unwilling as unable to adorn the plainness of truthby the colouring of imagination. my life and fortune have been extremely chequered,and my adventures various. even those i have related are considerablyabridged.

if any incident in this little work shouldappear uninteresting and trifling to most readers, i can only say, as my excuse formentioning it, that almost every event of my life made an impression on my mind andinfluenced my conduct. i early accustomed myself to look for thehand of god in the minutest occurrence, and to learn from it a lesson of morality andreligion; and in this light every circumstance i have related was to me of importance. after all, what makes any event important,unless by its observation we become better and wiser, and learn 'to do justly, to lovemercy, and to walk humbly before god?' to those who are possessed of this spirit,there is scarcely any book or incident so

trifling that does not afford some profit,while to others the experience of ages seems of no use; and even to pour out to them thetreasures of wisdom is throwing the jewels of instruction away.

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